Hongwu Emperor

Hongwu Emperor 洪武帝
A Seated Portrait of Ming Emperor Taizu, c. 1377[1] by an unknown artist from the Ming dynasty. Now located in the National Palace Museum, Taipei
Emperor of the Ming dynasty
Reign	23 January 1368[a] – 24 June 1398
Enthronement	23 January 1368
Successor	Jianwen Emperor
Emperor of China
Reign	1368–1398
Predecessor	Toghon Temür (Yuan dynasty)
Successor	Jianwen Emperor
Born	Zhu Chongba (朱重八) 21 October 1328 Hao Prefecture, Henan Jiangbei (present-day Fengyang County, Anhui)[2][3][4]
Died	24 June 1398(1398-06-24) (aged 69) Ming Palace, Zhili (present-day Nanjing)
Burial	30 June 1398 Xiao Mausoleum, Nanjing
Consort	Empress Xiaocigao ​ ​ (m. 1352; died 1382)​
Issue Detail	Zhu Biao, Crown Prince Yiwen Zhu Shuang, Prince Min of Qin Yongle Emperor Zhu Su, Prince Ding of Zhou Zhu Zhen, Prince Zhao of Chu Zhu Gui, Prince Jian of Dai Zhu Zhi, Prince Jian of Liao Zhu Quan, Prince Xian of Ning Zhu Mo, Prince Jian of Shen
Names Zhu Xingzong (朱興宗) Zhu Yuanzhang (朱元璋, later) Era dates Wu (吳): 31 January 1367 – 23 January 1368 Hongwu (洪武): 23 January 1368 – 5 February 1399 (restored, 18 July 1402 – 22 January 1403)[b] Posthumous name Emperor Qinming Qiyun Junde Chenggong Tongtian Daxiao Gao[c] (欽明啟運俊德成功統天大孝高皇帝) Emperor Shengshen Wenwu Qinming Qiyun Junde Chenggong Tongtian Daxiao Gao[d] (聖神文武欽明啟運俊德成功統天大孝高皇帝) Emperor Kaitian Xingdao Zhaoji Liji Dasheng Zhishen Renwen Yiwu Junde Chenggong Gao[e] (開天行道肇紀立極大聖至神仁文義武俊德成功高皇帝) Temple name Taizu (太祖)
House	Zhu
Dynasty	Ming
Father	Zhu Shizhen
Mother	Empress Chun
Religion	Buddhism
Signature
Chinese name
Chinese	洪武帝
Transcriptions Standard Mandarin Hanyu Pinyin Hóngwǔ Dì Wade–Giles Hung2-wu3 Ti4 IPA [xʊ̌ŋ.ù tî] Yue: Cantonese Yale Romanization Hùhng-móuh dai Jyutping Hung4-mou5 dai3 Southern Min Tâi-lô Âng-bú tē

The Hongwu Emperor (21 October 1328 – 24 June 1398), also known by his temple name as the Emperor Taizu of Ming, personal name Zhu Yuanzhang, courtesy name Guorui,^[f] was the founding emperor of the Ming dynasty, reigning from 1368 to 1398.

In the mid-14th century, China was plagued by epidemics, famines, and peasant uprisings during the rule of the Mongol Yuan dynasty. Zhu Yuanzhang, who lost his parents during this tumultuous time, was forced to survive by begging as an itinerant monk. This difficult upbringing had a profound impact on the future emperor's life. He developed a deep understanding of the struggles faced by ordinary people, while harboring disdain for scholars who only gained knowledge from books.^[5]

In 1352, he joined one of the rebel divisions. He quickly distinguished himself among the rebels and rose to lead his own army. In 1356, he conquered Nanjing and established it as his capital. He formed his own government, consisting of both generals and Confucian scholars, rejecting Mongol rule over China. He adopted the concept of country administration from them and implemented it in the territory he controlled, eventually expanding it to the entire country. He gradually defeated rival rebel leaders, with the decisive moment being his victory over Chen Youliang in the Battle of Lake Poyang in 1363. In 1364, he declared himself King of Wu.^[g] In 1367, however, he still acknowledged his formal subordination to the main Red Turban leader, Han Lin'er, who claimed to be the successor of the Song dynasty.

In early 1368, after successfully dominating southern and central China, he chose to rename his state. He decided on the name Da Ming, which translates to "Great Radiance", for his empire. Additionally, he designated Hongwu, meaning "Vastly Martial", as the name of the era and the motto of his reign. In the following four-year war, he drove out the Mongol armies loyal to the Yuan dynasty and unified the country. However, his attempt to conquer Mongolia ended in failure.

During the thirty-year reign of the Hongwu Emperor, Ming China experienced significant growth and recovered from the effects of prolonged wars. The emperor had a strong understanding of the structure of society and believed in implementing reforms to improve institutions. This approach differed from the Confucian belief that the ruler's moral example was the most important factor.^[6] The Hongwu Emperor also prioritized the safety of his people and the loyalty of his subordinates, demonstrating pragmatism and caution in military affairs. He maintained a disciplined army and made efforts to minimize the impact of war on civilians.^[7]

Although the peak of his political system crumbled in a civil war shortly after his death, other results of his reforms, such as local and regional institutions for Ming state administration and self-government, as well as the financial and examination systems, proved to be resilient.^[6] The census, land registration and tax system, and the Weisuo military system all endured until the end of the dynasty.^[6] His descendants continued to rule over all of China until 1644, and the southern region for an additional seventeen years.

Zhu Yuanzhang was born in 1328 in Zhongli (鍾離) village, located in Haozhou (present-day Fengyang, Anhui). He was the youngest of four sons in a poor peasant family.^[8][9] He was given the name Zhu Chongba (朱重八) at birth,^[10] but later used the name Zhu Xingzong (朱興宗) in adulthood.^[11] After joining the rebels, he went by the name Zhu Yuanzhang. His father, Zhu Wusi, lived in Nanjing but fled to the countryside to avoid tax collectors. His paternal grandfather was a gold miner, and his maternal grandfather was a fortune-teller and seer. In 1344, during a plague epidemic, Zhu Yuanzhang's parents and two brothers died. He managed to survive by entering a local Buddhist monastery, which was later closed due to a lack of funds.^[12]

For the next three years, Zhu wandered as a mendicant monk, becoming familiar with the landscape and people of eastern Henan and northern Anhui.^[13] He then returned to the monastery in 1348 and stayed for four years, during which he learned to read, write, and study the basics of Buddhism.^[14] In 1352, when the Mongol army burned down the monks' dwellings during the Red Turban Rebellion, Zhu joined one of the rebel divisions.^[15]

The harsh taxation policies, famine, and catastrophic flooding in the Yellow River basin, caused by inadequate flood control measures, led to widespread opposition to the rule of the Mongol Yuan dynasty.^[16] This discontent was further fueled by the presence of Taoist and Buddhist secret societies and sects, with the most prominent being the White Lotus society.^[17] In 1351, a rebellion known as the Red Turban Rebellion erupted and quickly spread throughout northern China.^[16]

Despite the initial disorganization of the Mongol troops, they were able to launch a counteroffensive and advance along the Grand Canal.^[18] In October 1352, the Mongols captured Xuzhou, causing the rebel commanders Peng Da and Zhao Yunyong to flee south to Haozhou.^[18]

In Haozhou, the Yuan dynasty's power fell in the spring of 1352. Guo Zixing, Sun Deyai, and three other leaders, with the support of the local elite, organized the army and took control in order to establish order in the city and its surrounding areas.^[18] The arrival of Peng and Zhao was seen as a clear connection to the rebels in the eyes of the Yuan dynasty. Guo submitted to Peng, while his four colleagues submitted to Zhao.^[18]

On 15 April 1352, Zhu Yuanzhang arrived in the city.^[18] Despite starting as a rank-and-file fighter, his exceptional leadership, decisiveness, warrior skills, and intelligence quickly gained him significant authority.^[19] Not only was Zhu known for his intelligence, but also for his unattractive appearance.^[5] He swiftly recruited 24 companions, who would eventually become generals in the Ming army, from his acquaintances who had already joined the rebels, and became their leader.^[20] Thanks to his abilities, he rose to prominence quickly, leading a 700-man squad by the spring of 1353 and becoming Guo's most trusted subordinate.^[18] Skilled in both military tactics and political maneuvering, he even married Guo's adopted daughter, surnamed Ma. A strong relationship developed between Lady Ma and Zhu, which would later give her great influence at court as empress.^[21] Unlike other leaders of his time, Zhu had a small number of relatives who were appointed to important positions. In the unstable political climate, family ties were crucial for ensuring loyalty and reliability.^[18]

The rivalry between Peng and Zhao escalated into a full-blown conflict. Guo was initially captured, but was later freed by his sons and Zhu, which only increased his reliance on Zhu.^[22] After Peng's death in 1353, Zhao emerged as the dominant leader in the region, leaving Guo and Zhu isolated.^[23] Zhao sent Guo to the east and Zhu with a small detachment to the south, hoping to divide them and be able to destroy them. However, contrary to Zhao's expectations, Zhu successfully occupied several counties and bolstered his army to 20,000 soldiers. Guo moved with Zhao's ten thousand men to join him.^[23]

In the beginning of 1355, Zhu, Guo, and Zhang Shicheng, who was located further east, made the decision to leave the war-torn territories and cross the Yangtze River to the prosperous southern regions that had not yet been affected by the war.^[24] However, a dispute arose between Guo and Zhu over the city of Hezhou, situated on the banks of the Yangtze River. Zhu even formed an alliance with Sun Deyai, Guo's old enemy. Before the conflict could escalate, Guo died.^[25] Following this, the rebel Song emperor Han Lin'er appointed Guo's eldest son, Guo Tianxu,^[26] as his successor. Guo's brother-in-law, Zhang Tianyu, was chosen as the first deputy of the new commander, with Zhu as the second deputy.^[9] In order to cross the Yangtze River, the Hezhou rebels required a fleet, which they acquired in July 1355 when a group of rebels from Chao Lake arrived. They successfully crossed the river that same month.^[25] Zhu immediately defeated the local Yuan commander, Chen Esen, who then surrendered to him. However, in September 1355, during an attempt to conquer Jiqing (present-day Nanjing), Chen Esen betrayed Guo Tianxu. In the ensuing battles, Guo Tianxu, Zhang Tianyu and Chen Esen himself were killed.^[27]

In March 1356, Zhu once again marched on Jiqing. The new Mongol commander, Chen Zhaoxian (陳兆先), who was the nephew and successor of Chen Esen, surrendered with 36,000 men. In April 1356, Zhu successfully entered the city.^[27] After conquering it, he renamed the city Yingtian, which means "In response to Heaven".^[28] In May 1356, Han Lin'er appointed Zhu as the head of Jiangnan Province, one of the five provinces of the Song state.^[29] Guo's remaining son was chosen as his deputy. However, Zhu soon accused Guo's son of plotting against him and had him executed. This allowed Zhu to establish clear leadership and he immediately began to build his administration. However, he could not fully trust the loyalty of his generals. Until the victory at Lake Poyang in 1363, there were instances of betrayal and defection to the enemy.^[27][30]

He was now in command of an army of 100,000 soldiers, which was divided into divisions or wings (翼; yi). In Nanjing itself, there were eight divisions and one per prefecture.^[31] From 1355 to 1357, he launched attacks against Zhang Shicheng in the direction of Suzhou and successfully occupied southern Jiangxi;^[h] after this, the border with Zhang's state was fortified on both sides and remained stable until 1366.^[31] In Zhejiang, from 1358 to 1359, he controlled four impoverished inland prefectures,^[31] while Zhang Shicheng held control over four prosperous northern coastal prefectures, and Fang Guozhen occupied the eastern coast of the province.^[32]

In the summer of 1359, the Mongol warlord Chaghan Temur expelled Han Lin'er from Kaifeng. Han was left with only a few hundred soldiers, but as Chaghan Temur focused on conquering Shandong, Han's group was able to survive in Anfeng, a prefectural city in the west of Anhui.^[23] After the retreat from Kaifeng, the Song government's power weakened rapidly. Apart from Zhu Yuanzhang's effectively independent Jiangnan, no Song province survived 1362.^[33] In 1361, Han Lin'er appointed Zhu as the Duke of Wu (Wu Guogong)^[29][g] and recognized his rule in all the territories he conquered.^[34] However, Zhu feared the advance of the Yuan troops in the southern direction, all the way to Nanjing. As a result, he proposed cooperation with Chaghan Temur. After Chaghan Temur's army was unable to make progress in Shandong and he was murdered in the summer of 1362, the threat from the Yuan side disappeared. As a result, Zhu rejected the Yuan government's offer of the post of governor of Jiangxi province.^[35]

The ideology of the Red Turbans did not resonate with Zhu. Instead of trying to establish a new intellectual elite based on the Manichean-Buddhist beliefs of the White Lotus, he chose to collaborate with Confucian intellectuals.^[36] This shift in approach transformed him from a leader of a popular sectarian uprising to the leader of a political movement seeking traditional legitimacy. Nevertheless, he still relied on the support of his officers who shared his devotion to the teachings of the White Lotus.^[37]

In 1354, he began working with Li Shanchang, a landowner from Dingyuan County, the first county conquered by Zhu. Li Shanchang was responsible for running the civil administration, and as Zhu conquered more cities, he recruited more scholars to join his cause.^[38] After repeated requests from Zhu in 1360, a group of prominent scholars, led by Song Lian and Liu Ji, joined his service.^[39] These scholars, known as the Jinhua school,^[i] had a clear vision of a unified state governed by a small but efficient bureaucracy. They aimed to eliminate corruption, which was prevalent during the end of the Yuan dynasty.^[40][41] They believed that the state and its laws could be used to improve public morals and customs. While their motives may have differed from the emperor's, they shared a desire to bring about change through a strong state and an active monarch.^[42]

As an independent ruler, Zhu advocated for moderation in tax collection. However, other rebel leaders and his own generals prioritized military needs and often confiscated grain from peasants to feed their soldiers or prevent it from falling into the hands of their enemies.^[43] In contrast, Zhu placed great importance on maintaining orderly government and promoting a peaceful life for the inhabitants of his territory. He achieved this by working closely with local elites and understanding the needs of the villagers, having grown up as the son of a poor peasant himself.^[44] Zhu's principles also proved beneficial for the economy of the controlled territory. In 1361, he began minting coins, established a monopoly on the sale of salt and tea, and started collecting traditional customs duties in 1362. These measures resulted in an increase in tax revenues, which were crucial for funding successful military campaigns.^[39]

In the beginning of 1360, Zhu controlled the southwestern part of Jiangsu, all of Anhui south of the Yangtze River, and the inland of Zhejiang. By 1393, these territories had a population of 7.8 million.^[32] The domain (known as the Kingdom of Wu since 1363),^[g] led by Zhang Shicheng, had comparable power with a larger population but worse organization. Chen Youlang's state of Han had a similar situation.^[32] The state of Han, located west of Zhu's territory, included the provinces of Jiangxi and Hubei. Zhang, based in Suzhou, controlled the lower reaches of the Yangtze, from the eastern borders of Zhu's dominions to the sea. While Zhu, Zhang, and Chen divided up the Yangtze River Basin, the rest of southern and central China was largely under the control of "one-province" regimes. Fang Guozhen controlled the eastern Chinese coast, Ming Yuzhen ruled in Sichuan, and the trio of Yuan loyalists (Chen Youding, He Zhen, and Basalawarmi) controlled Fujian, Guangdong, and Yunnan. These provincial regimes were unable to threaten the "big three", but were strong in defense.^[32]

The war between Zhu's Jiangnan and Chen Youliang's Han state from 1360 to 1363 had a devastating impact on the balance of power in the Yangtze River Basin. This conflict not only gave Zhu a significant advantage over other rivals, but also increased his prestige among his own people.^[32] The fighting began when the Han army attacked Nanjing in 1360, but they were quickly defeated by Zhu.^[45] In 1361, the war spread to the Han province of Jiangxi, which changed hands multiple times.^[46] By the following year, Zhu had gained control of the province.^[47]

In January 1363, Zhang Shicheng's army launched a surprise attack on Anfeng, the residence of Song emperor Han Lin'er, resulting in the death of Liu Futong, the de facto leader of the regime. Despite being formally under the control of the Song government, Zhu offered his army to assist Han Lin'er, who was still highly respected among the troops.^[48] As a result, the powerless Han Lin'er was relocated to Chuzhou, located west of Nanjing on the opposite side of the Yangtze River.^[49] However, the army remained stationed in the north until August 1363.^[50]

The departure of Zhu's main forces to the north presented Chen with an opportunity to turn the tide of the war. He quickly raised an army of 300,000, outnumbering Zhu's remaining forces.^[50] Chen's plan was to capture Nanchang and then rally the local leaders in Jiangxi to join his cause and attack Nanjing.^[50] However, the Nanchang garrison, led by Deng Yu (鄧兪), held out until early June 1363. In mid-August, Zhu's army and fleet finally set out from Nanjing with approximately 100,000 soldiers.^[51] The two fleets clashed on Lake Poyang on 29 August 1363, engaging in a four-day battle that resulted in the defeat of the Han fleet and the death of Chen Youliang.^[52]

In 1364–1365, Zhu focused on conquering and absorbing the Han's territories. Numerous Han prefectural and county commanders surrendered without resistance, and Huguang was pacified by General Xu Da by April 1365. By February 1365, Generals Chang Yuchun and Deng Yu had gained control over central and southern Jiangxi.^[53] This annexation of territories provided Zhu with a significant population advantage over its adversaries. The main threats to Zhu at this time were the Mongol warlord Köke Temür in northern China and Zhang Shicheng, who was based in Suzhou.^[54]

Expansion of the army with former Han troops required a reorganization of the military.^[55] Therefore, in 1364, Zhu implemented the Weisuo system, which involved the formation of guards (wei) comprising 5,600 soldiers. These guards were further divided into 5 battalions (qianhusuo) of 1,120 soldiers each, with 10 companies (baihusuo) in each battalion.^[56]

After 1364, the army was made up of 17 guards consisting of veterans who had previously served before 1363. The older veterans were demobilized, while the others were assigned to the garrison in Nanjing where they worked as military peasants, using their production to provide food for the army.^[57] Additional soldiers, who were reliable but had shorter periods of service, were acquired during the conquest of southern Anhui and central Zhejiang. They were stationed in the former Han territory, with field armies concentrated in Nanchang and Wuchang, and garrisons scattered across Jiangxi and Huguang.^[58] The remaining soldiers, mostly former Han soldiers, were joined by some veterans in the field armies sent to fight against the state of Wu under the leadership of Generals Xu Da and Chang Yuchun.^[58]

After Chen Youliang's defeat, Zhu took on the title of King of Wu (Wu wang) starting from the new year (4 February) of 1364, which was the same title used by Zhang Shicheng since October 1363.^[59][g] Despite this, he still acknowledged his subordinate status to emperor Han Lin'er and used the Song era of Longfeng as long as Han was alive. However, he ran his own administration, following the model of the Yuan dynasty.^[59]

In 1365–67, Zhu conquered the Zhang's state of Wu. Zhang attempted to attack in late 1364, before the enemy could exploit the potential of the newly conquered territories. However, their offensive was repulsed in the spring of 1365.^[60] Before launching a final attack on the enemy's heartland, the Suzhou region, Zhu and his generals decided to first "cut off the wings" of Wu by occupying the territory north of the Yangtze and the Wu part of Zhejiang. Xu Da was appointed as the supreme commander of the attacking troops, and the plan was executed with ease due to the attacking army's superiority. The ten-month siege of Suzhou began in December 1366.^[61]

In January 1367, Han Lin'er drowned in the Yangtze River.^[49] As a result, Zhu's state of Wu officially declared its independence. A year later, in 1368, Zhu Yuanzhang proclaimed himself emperor and changed the name of the state. He followed the Mongol tradition of elevating titles^[62] and named the empire "Great Ming" (Da Ming; 大明; 'Great Radiance'). He also renamed the upcoming "second year of the Wu era" as the "first year of the Hongwu era" (洪武; 'vastly martial').^[63]

In the autumn of 1367, Zhu's troops launched an attack against Fang Guozhen. By December of that year, they had successfully taken control of the entire coast.^[64] In November 1367, Hu Mei's army, along with the fleets of Tang He and Liao Yongzhong, began their journey south. By February 1368, they had easily conquered Fujian, and by April 1368, they had also taken control of Guangdong. In July 1368, with the reinforcement of Yang Jing's army from Huguang, Guangxi province was also occupied.^[65]

At the same time as the southern campaign, Zhu sent a 250,000-strong army, led by Xu Da and Chang Yuchun, to conquer the North China Plain.^[66] By March 1368, both land and naval forces had successfully captured Shandong.^[65] In May, Henan was also occupied.^[67] A pause was taken for agricultural work, during which the emperor met with his generals in the captured city of Kaifeng to confirm plans for the campaign.^[68] In mid-August, the Ming army resumed its march and reached Dadu (present-day Beijing) in early September. They defeated the Mongol army outside the city and then occupied it, while the Yuan emperor Toghon Temür fled north to Shangdu. The city was renamed Beiping (Pacified North) by the Chinese.^[69] The campaign then continued with an attack on Shanxi.

In January 1369, the main army, led by Xu Da, captured Taiyuan, while Köke Temür retreated to Gansu. In the spring of 1369, Ming troops also began to occupy Shaanxi.^[70] The province was fully taken by September 1369, but border skirmishes with Köke Temür's troops persisted until 1370.^[71]

In 1370, the Ming government launched a two-pronged attack on Mongolia. Generals Li Wenzhong and Feng Sheng led an attack from Beijing to the north, while Xu Da attacked from Xi'an against Köke Temür.^[72][73] In early May 1370, Köke Temür was defeated and fled to Karakorum. The Ming forces captured over 84,000 of his troops and continued to advance westward along the Yellow River.^[74] At the same time, Li's forces advanced to Shangdu, where the Yuan emperor Toghon Temür retreated further north to Yingchang and died in May 1370. His twenty-three-year-old son Ayushiridara then assumed the imperial title. In June, Li conquered Yingchang and Ajushiridara fled. However, his empress and son Maidilibala were captured along with more than 50,000 soldiers.^[75] The Mongolian ruler continued to flee until reaching Karakorum, where the remnants of Köke's army had also retreated.^[75]

After successfully defeating the Mongols, the Ming government shifted its focus to the Xia state in Sichuan.^[76] Despite maintaining positive relations with the Ming, the local regime refused to submit. In response, General Fu Youde was ordered to lead an attack from the north in 1371. Simultaneously, Tang He and Liao Yongzhong advanced with a fleet up the Yangtze River.^[76] Although they initially faced resistance, they were able to push forward with the help of artillery and the enemy's decision to send part of their defenders north against the second army's successful advance. By September 1371, Sichuan had been conquered.^[77] This victory ensured stability in the southwestern border for the next ten years, until the pro-Mongol Yunnan was conquered in 1381-1382.^[78]

In 1372, the emperor launched a massive attack on Mongolia, with Xu Da leading a 150,000-strong army from Shanxi through the Gobi to Karakorum. In the west, Feng Sheng was assigned to conquer the western part of the Gansu Corridor with 50,000 cavalrymen, while Li Wenzhong was tasked with attacking eastern Mongolia and Manchuria with another 50,000 soldiers.^[77] Although Feng Sheng's forces were able to successfully complete their mission, the central and eastern armies were ultimately defeated by the Mongols.^[79]

These failures in 1372 shattered the Hongwu Emperor's dream of becoming the heir to the entire Yuan Empire, both in China and on the steppe.^[80] Furthermore, Japanese piracy increased and rebellions broke out in the provinces of Guangxi, Huguang, Sichuan, and Shaanxi.^[79] As a result, the Chinese forces in the north shifted their focus to defense, and two years later, they returned the captured prince Maidilibala to Mongolia.^[81]

The Hongwu Emperor's public statements were filled with sympathy for the peasants and a deep distrust of the wealthy landowners and scholars.^[14] He often referred to himself as a villager from the right bank of the Huai River.^[83] His difficult upbringing never left his mind, and even as emperor, he held onto the ideal of a self-sufficient village life in peace, a dream that was unattainable in his youth. He made every effort to make this dream a reality for his subjects.^[84]

The ultimate goal of the Hongwu Emperor's reforms was to achieve political stability for the state. All policies, institutions, and the social and economic structure of society were designed to serve this purpose. The chaos and foreign rule that led to the establishment of a new dynasty only reinforced his determination to maintain order.^[85]

The emperor was meticulous in his efforts to establish a new society after the fall of the Yuan dynasty. He was a dynamic and innovative legislator, constantly issuing, revising, and modifying laws throughout his reign.^[86] However, these frequent changes sometimes sparked protests from officials.^[87]

The emperor's legislation focused on four main themes. The first was a broad desire to restore order and morality in society. The second was the regulation of the bureaucracy, including disciplining followers and managing the government. The third was the removal of corrupt and unreliable officials. Finally, the emperor also sought to resist the natural decline that comes with time. As the patriarch of the family, he aimed to prevent the decay of society and the dynasty in the future, as well as any changes to his laws.^[88]

The compilation of the new code, known as the Great Ming Code, began in 1364. This code, which was heavily influenced by Confucian principles, was largely based on the old Tang Code of 653. The initial wording was agreed upon in 1367, and the final version was adopted in 1397. It remained unchanged until the fall of the empire, although additional provisions were later added.^[89]

The capital of the empire was Nanjing (Southern Capital), which was known as Yingtian until 1368. In the 1360s and 1370s, the capital underwent extensive construction. A workforce of 200,000 individuals surrounded the city with walls that were almost 26 km long, making them the longest in the world at the time. Additionally, an imperial palace and government quarter were built.^[90] In 1368, the emperor resided in Kaifeng during the months of June–August and October–November, leading to the city being known as Beijing (Northern Capital).^[91]

In 1369, the Hongwu Emperor proposed a debate on the relocation of the capital. In August, his suggestion to move the capital to Fengyang (then known as Linhuai), the emperor's hometown in northern Anhui, on the south bank of the Huai River, approximately 100 km north of Nanjing, was approved.^[92] Construction of the future capital, named Zhongdu (中都; 'Central Capital'), began with grand plans. The area had been largely abandoned since the famine of the 1340s, so landless families from the south were resettled in Fengyang.^[93] However, in 1375, the emperor ultimately abandoned the idea of relocating the capital and the construction was halted.^[92]

Upon ascending to the throne, the Hongwu Emperor appointed his wife as empress and his eldest son, Zhu Biao, as his heir.^[63] He surrounded himself with a group of military and civilian figures, but the civil officials never attained the same level of prestige and influence as the military.^[95] In 1367, he granted the title of duke (gong) to three of his closest collaborators—generals Xu Da and Chang Yuchun, and official Li Shanchang.^[95] After the establishment of the Ming dynasty, he also bestowed ranks and titles upon a wider circle of loyal generals.^[j] These military leaders were chosen based on their abilities, but their positions were often inherited by their sons.^[97] As a result, the generals became the dominant ruling class, surpassing the bureaucracy in power and influence. The officials had little political autonomy and simply carried out the emperor's orders and requests.^[98] This system mirrored the one established during the Yuan dynasty, with the ruling class of Mongols and Semu being replaced by families of distinguished military commanders.^[99] These families were often connected through kinship ties with each other and with the imperial family.^[100]

The administrative structure of the Ming dynasty was modeled after the Yuan model. The civil administration was led by the Central Secretariat, headed by two Grand Councilors who were informally known as Prime Ministers. This Secretariat was responsible for six ministries: Personnel, Revenue, Rites, War, Justice, and (Public) Works. The Censorate oversaw the administration, while the Chief Military Commission was in charge of the army. However, under later emperors, the civil administration, which was the core of the government, became primarily focused on supporting the army financially and logistically.^[101] Initially, the provinces were under the control of the general, with the civil authorities also reporting to them.^[96] However, in the 1370s, the military's influence decreased as ministers were appointed to leadership positions in the provinces.^[96] Regional military commanders were then responsible for managing the affairs of military peasants in the Weisuo system.^[96]

In the 1370s, the Weisuo system, which was introduced in 1364, became stabilized. This system involved ex-soldiers serving as hereditary military peasants, with each family required to provide one member for active service in each generation.^[97] The army was self-sufficient thanks to the production of these military peasants.^[97] By 1393, the empire's armed forces consisted of 326 guards and 65 battalions.^[97] However, after 1368, the army may have been larger than necessary, as the government feared the consequences of widespread demobilization.^[97]

In order to limit the influence of eunuchs in the palace, the emperor initially restricted their number to 100. However, he later allowed their number to increase to 400, with the condition that they were not allowed to learn to read, write, or interfere in politics.^[102]

The state administration was reformed based on Confucian principles. In February 1371, the emperor made the decision to hold provincial and county examinations every three years, with the provincial examinations already taking place in March.^[104] However, by 1377, he had already cancelled the civil service examinations due to their lack of connection to the quality of the graduates.^[105][106] Despite his support for Confucianism, the emperor had a deep distrust for the official class and did not hesitate to severely punish them for any wrongdoing.^[107] After the resumption of examinations in 1384,^[106] he even went as far as executing the chief examiner when it was revealed that he had only awarded the jinshi degree to applicants from the south.^[105]

There were fewer than 8,000 civil servants,^[108] with half of them in lower grades (eighth and ninth), not including the approximately 5,000 teachers in government schools.^[103] Unlike later years in the early Ming period, there were not enough candidates obtained through examinations, and positions were often filled based on recommendations and personal connections.^[103] The bureaucratic system was still in its early stages, and the introduction of examinations primarily had symbolic significance as a declaration of allegiance to Confucianism.

Only qualified Confucian-educated officials held management positions in the state administration, while routine tasks and paperwork were handled by rank-and-file employees and helpers from the local population. In fact, there were at least four times more of these employees than officials.^[109]

Salaries for officials and incomes for members of the imperial family were approximately one-fifth of what they had been under previous dynasties. Even officials were paid in paper money or forced to accept paintings, calligraphy, or pepper as payment. Additionally, officials and officers, as well as their families and relatives, were prohibited from trading or lending money.^[110] This restriction posed a significant challenge for lower-level officials, as they often struggled to make a living, especially if they were serving far from their secure relatives.^[111]

The villages were self-governing communities that resolved internal disputes without interference from officials, as the Hongwu Emperor did not recommend their presence in the countryside. These communities operated based on Confucian morality rather than laws.^[98]

A census was conducted to record the population listed in the Yellow Registers, while the land, its quality, taxation, and ownership were recorded in fish-cale registries (named after their appearance). Regional tax captains (liangzhang; 糧長), who were appointed by county authorities from wealthy families, were responsible for collecting taxes.^[112] In 1371, the lijia system of local self-government was introduced in the Yangtze River basin and gradually expanded throughout the empire.^[113][l] Regular state expenses, except for land tax, were covered through mandatory services and supplies from the population. In the lijia system, one jia always provided services, and after a year, it was replaced by another. This form of taxation was progressive, unlike the land tax. Large infrastructure projects, such as road and dam construction or canals, were funded through additional ad hoc requisitions.^[115]

Taxes were low, with a fixed amount for each region, intended for peasants to pay 3% of their harvest. These taxes were often collected in kind, with the population responsible for delivering goods to state warehouses.^[108] However, the transportation of these goods, often over long distances of hundreds of kilometers, placed a heavy burden on taxpayers. The cost of transporting grain to Nanjing was three to four times higher than its price, and even six to seven times higher for supplies to the army on the northern border.^[116] The Ministry of Revenue was responsible for collecting taxes and benefits from peasants, while the Ministry of Works oversaw artisans.^[117] Artisans were required to work in state factories for three months every 2 to 5 years, depending on their profession.^[118] The Ministry of War kept records of military peasants and also collected taxes and benefits from them.^[117] As state income and expenditure were managed through orders for the population to deliver specific goods to designated locations, large warehouses were not necessary. However, officials were not always able to effectively direct supplies to the necessary places, leading to local supply crises.^[108]

The Hongwu Emperor's guiding principle was one of parsimony and simplicity. The emperor aimed to restore a simple agricultural economy, with other industries being seen as complementary.^[108] In order to maintain social cohesion and preserve the economic foundations of the state, the consumption of the wealthy and privileged was restricted. This was done out of fear that excessive displays of wealth would have destructive effects on society. The privileged were expected to exercise self-restraint, with the justification for this being rooted in Confucian morality. Material interests and selfishness were actively rejected. The Hongwu Emperor himself set an example by contenting himself with simple food and palace furnishings.^[119] He viewed the pursuit of comfort, luxury, and property as unacceptable self-centeredness and a sign of corruption. Some of his specific orders included the planting of vegetable gardens instead of flower gardens in his sons' palaces, a ban on keeping pet animals (such as tigers), and calls to replace them with useful animals like cows. Additionally, the cultivation of rice varieties suitable for the production of rice wine was prohibited. The government also regulated consumption, setting specific levels for food, clothing, housing, and transportation for each class of the population.^[120] This resulted in strict regulation of the entire lives of the subjects, including attempts to enforce standards of greetings and the style of written texts,^[121] restrictions on people's choice of names,^[122] and bans on the use of symbols that reminded people of a monastic episode in the emperor's life.^[123]

The emperor believed that providing every man with a field and every woman with a loom would alleviate the hardships faced by the people. However, this ideal was not reflected in reality as the wealthy held a disproportionate amount of land and often found ways to avoid paying taxes.^[124] In fact, during the last years of the Yuan dynasty, the land tax yield dropped to zero.^[125] In response, the Hongwu Emperor confiscated land from the wealthy and redistributed it to the landless. Those who had abandoned their properties during the wars were not entitled to have them returned, but were instead given replacement plots of land on the condition that they personally worked on them.^[124] Those who occupied more land than they could cultivate were punished and had their land confiscated. While the Song emperor Taizu encouraged large landowners and stated that the wealthy are the gateway to prosperity for the entire country, the Hongwu Emperor sought to eliminate the wealthy. As a result of his reforms, there were very few large landowners left.^[125]

After ascending to the throne, he resettled 14,300 wealthy families from Zhejiang and the Yingtian area from their estates to Nanjing.^[125] He also confiscated the vast properties of Buddhist monasteries, which during the Yuan dynasty owned 3/5 of the land in Shandong province. As a result, 3,000 Buddhist and Taoist monasteries were abolished, and 214,000 Buddhist and 300,000 Taoist monks and nuns were returned to secular life. Additionally, monasteries were limited to one with a maximum of two monks in each county.^[126] To address the issue of landlessness, free land was allocated to peasants. In the north, peasants received 15 mu per field and 2 per garden, while in the south, they received 16 mu. Military peasants were given 50 mu.^[126]

In contrast to the attitude towards the wealthy, care for the poor was significantly increased (and by the 16th century, considered standard). The government ordered the establishment of shelters for beggars in each county, and rations of rice, wood, and cloth were guaranteed for other poor individuals. Additionally, octogenarians and older individuals were guaranteed meat and wine. These expenses were covered by the lijia system,^[111] which required wealthy families to contribute or face property confiscation.^[127]

There were no arable lands available, so farmers who fertilized uncultivated land were exempted from taxes for three years. The government also encouraged refugees and people from densely populated areas to resettle on vacant land in the north, providing various reliefs to resettlers.^[128] To increase the labor force, slavery was abolished (only members of the imperial family were allowed to own slaves), the number of monks was reduced, and the buying and selling of free people, including the acceptance of women, children, and concubines as collateral, was prohibited. The slave trade was also banned.^[128]

In addition to reclaiming abandoned land, measures were taken to restore irrigation systems. the Hongwu Emperor ordered local authorities to report any requests or comments from the population regarding the repair or construction of irrigation structures to the court. In 1394, the emperor issued a special decree for the Ministry of Works to maintain canals and dams in case of drought or heavy rains. He also sent graduates from state schools and technical specialists to oversee flood protection structures throughout the country. By the winter of 1395, a total of 40,987 dams and drainage canals had been constructed across the country.^[128]

Inflation at the end of the Yuan era caused paper money to be abandoned in favor of grain as the primary medium of exchange. In 1361, the Hongwu Emperor began minting coins, but the small amount produced did not have a significant economic impact. Instead, it served as a symbol of political independence.^[129] In the 1360s, the government lacked the power to control the economy, so it allowed old coins to circulate and left price determination to the market.^[129]

After China was reunified, there were difficulties in circulating coins, according to officials, due to insufficient quantities. To address this issue, the government proposed reducing the copper content by one-tenth to increase the number of coins.^[130] However, the emperor rejected this idea and since mining could not keep up with demand, the government returned to paper currency (banknotes) in 1375. This was intended to serve as the main medium of exchange, with copper coins playing a secondary role.^[131] Similar to the Yuan dynasty, the government attempted to promote paper money by prohibiting the use of precious metals or other commodities in trade. However, unlike in Yuan times, paper money was not convertible into silver. As a result, its value rapidly declined.^[131] In an attempt to stabilize the currency, the government manipulated the money supply, alternating between halting printing and minting and printing at full capacity.^[m] However, this only led to an excessive amount of money being printed. For example, in 1390, the government's income was 20 million guan in banknotes, but its expenses were 95 million, which was even higher in reality.^[132] This resulted in the value of banknotes dropping to 40% of their nominal value by 1394, causing merchants to turn to silver instead.^[n] In response, the government attempted to withdraw copper coins and once again banned the use of silver in commerce in 1397.^[132] However, merchants continued to use silver as the measure of value, while banknotes became the means of payment.^[133]

The anti-silver policy can be seen as an attempt to weaken the influence of the wealthy in Jiangnan, who were previously supporters of Zhang Shicheng (in addition to confiscation, high taxes,^[o] and relocation).The possession of silver was viewed as granting excessive independence to its owners in the eyes of the emperor. Therefore, it is understandable why the exchange of banknotes for silver was prohibited.^[133]

The emperor's distrust of the bureaucratic elite was accompanied by a disdainful attitude towards merchants. He viewed weakening the influence of the merchant class and large landowners as a top priority for his government. As part of this effort, he implemented high taxes in and around Suzhou, which was then the commercial and economic hub of China.^[105] Additionally, thousands of wealthy families were forcibly relocated to Nanjing and the southern bank of the Yangtze River.^[105][134] To prevent unauthorized business, traveling merchants were required to report their names and cargo to local agents and undergo monthly inspections by the authorities.^[135] They were also obligated to store their goods in government warehouses.^[136]

Merchants were greatly affected by restrictions on population mobility. Any journeys longer than 100 li (58 km) were strictly prohibited without official permission.^[137] In order to obtain this permission, merchants were required to carry a travel document that contained their personal information such as name, place of residence, name of village head (lizhang; 里長), age, height, occupation, and names of family members. Any discrepancies or irregularities in this document could result in the merchant being sent back home and facing punishment.^[136][p]

Merchants were subjected to inspections by soldiers along the route, at a ferry terminal, in the steet and in their shops. Inns were required to report their guests to the authorities, providing details such as travel destinations and transported goods. Merchants were also required to store their goods in state warehouses and were not allowed to engage in trading without a license. Even when a license was obtained, authorities would inspect the goods, destination, and price. Intermediaries, or brokers, were strictly prohibited. The government also set fixed prices for most goods, and failure to comply with these prices resulted in punishment.^[136] In addition, merchants risked having their goods confiscated and being subjected to flogging for selling poor quality goods.^[119]

The Ming dynasty was one of the few dynasties that took the concept of four occupations (in descending order: officials, peasants, artisans, merchants) seriously and consistently. Unlike peasants, merchants were excluded from civil service examinations.^[q][138] This exclusion also extended to rank-and-file employees of the authorities who dealt with financial matters, as they were seen as potential sources of corruption. As a result, they were not allowed to take examinations that could elevate them to the official class.^[139] Despite the government's efforts, the population's interest in trade remained strong. Contemporary authors believed that this was due to the fact that a successful trade trip could yield more profit than a year's worth of work in the fields.^[138]

The emperor's strict control over the economy and society created significant challenges in his relationships with foreign countries.^[140] The government viewed trade as a corrupting influence and therefore prohibited private foreign trade.^[119] Under the Hongwu Emperor's reign, a sea ban policy was implemented, which involved strict regulation of foreign relations and trade. Chinese citizens were forbidden from leaving the empire, and harsh punishments were imposed on both foreigners who entered the country and those who engaged in trade with them, including death and exile for their families.^[141] Additionally, the construction of ships with two or more masts was banned, existing ones were destroyed, and ports were blocked with stones and logs. Foreign goods were also destroyed, and the coast was heavily guarded. The emperor's ultimate goal was to prevent any foreign trade from taking place, as expressed in the phrase "not even a piece of wood should sail across the sea".^[142] However, this ban on private foreign trade, without providing viable alternatives, only resulted in an increase in smuggling. The government attempted to combat this through the use of force, border control, and punishments, but these measures proved ineffective. Eventually, the Yongle Emperor responded by promoting trade within the tribute system.^[140]

Foreign relations played a crucial role in establishing the legitimacy of Ming rule. The surrounding states expressed their recognition of Ming's authority and superiority by paying tribute. As part of this tribute system, foreign delegations were given Chinese goods of equivalent value. This was a way for the Ming government to regulate and restrict foreign trade.^[140]

In 1368, the emperor announced his accession to Korea, Đại Việt (present-day northern Vietnam), Champa, and Japan.^[143] The following year, tribute missions were sent by Korea, Đại Việt, and Champa, and in 1370, by the Javanese Majapahit. In 1371, Japan, Siam, Cambodia, and the Sumatran Kingdom of Melayu also sent tribute missions, followed by Ryukyu in 1372.^[143] From 1369 to 1397, the most frequent missions came from Korea, Ryukyu, Champa, Siam, and Đại Việt (20 times, 19 times, 18 times, and 14 times, respectively).^[143] Specialized offices were established to receive these missions, located in Ningbo, Quanzhou (in Fujian), and Guangzhou starting in 1370.^[143] However, four years later, these offices were abolished,^[144] resulting in a significant decrease in tributary trade. Nonetheless, it remained substantial, with the Siamese mission bringing 38 tons of aromatic substances in 1392 and the Javanese mission bringing almost 17 tons of pepper in 1382.^[143]

Before embarking on any conquests abroad, the Hongwu Emperor made it a priority to stabilize the government in China. As a result, he refused to assist Champa in their war against Đại Việt and instead reprimanded the Viets for their aggression.^[143] In 1372, after facing defeats in Mongolia, he cautioned future emperors against the pursuit of conquering glory and advised them to focus on defending China against "northern barbarians".^[145] The Ming government recognized the Southern Court in Japan as legitimate, while viewing the Kyoto government as usurpers.^[144][104] However, they only resorted to harsh correspondence and never resorted to using force. This was likely due to the memory of the failed Mongol invasion, which the Japanese were quick to remind them of.^[144]

The decade of 1371–1380 was a period of consolidation and stability.^[146] However, in 1380, the emperor initiated a new wave of reforms, taking direct and personal control, while also intensifying the terror against the elite.^[147]

According to the emperor's decision, his sons, who were given the titles of princes (wang), were assigned military command on the border to protect the empire.^[92] Along with receiving Confucian education, which emphasized moral values, the emperor's sons also learned about warfare. The emperor placed great importance on the education of his sons and entrusted it to scholars led by Song Lian and Kong Keren (孔克仁).^[148]

The decision to place his sons in charge of the army was made in order to diminish the influence of the military nobility on the state. The emperor was highly concerned about potential conspiracies among the generals, and, as seen in the cases of Hu Weiyong and Lan Yu, a number of generals were executed.^[81] The emperor's fears were not unfounded, as the threat of conspiracies among the generals was always present. He himself came to power through the betrayal of the heirs of Guo Zixing and later faced conspiracies from his subordinates.^[r][5]

The most capable military leaders among the princes were Zhu Di and Zhu Gang, later joined by Zhu Fu, Zhu Zhen, Zhu Zhi, and Zhu Bai. Among the literary-minded imperial princes, Zhu Su stood out for his works on Yuan court poetry and medicinal plants, while Zhu Quan was known for his lyrical dramas and encyclopedias on alchemy and pharmacy. Other princes, such as Zhu Zi, Zhu Tan, Zhu Chun, and Zhu Bai, were also comfortable in the company of scholars and skilled in the art of war.^[149] However, not all princes behaved properly, as seen in the cases of Zhu Shuang, Zhu Su, Zhu Fu, Zhu Zi, Zhu Tan, Zhu Gui, and the emperor's great-nephew Zhu Shouqian, who were often reprimanded by the emperor for their behavior.^[150]

In 1370, the emperor appointed nine oldest sons (after the heir to the throne) as princes.^[s] Five more were appointed in 1378, and the remaining ten in 1391. Once they reached around twenty years of age, they were sent to their designated regions, with the first being sent in 1378. As they settled into their regions, their importance grew.^[152] The most influential of these princes were the second, third, and fourth sons—Zhu Shuang, Zhu Gang, and Zhu Di—who were based in Xi'an, Taiyuan, and Beijing respectively. They were responsible for commanding the armies on the northern frontier.^[75] Other members of the imperial family were not involved in the administration of the country, as there was a fear of repeating the dynastic disputes that were common during the Yuan dynasty.

The structure of the civil administration, organized according to the Yuan model, partially distanced the emperor from direct exercise of power and did not satisfy him. In the early 1380s, he proceeded with a radical reorganization of the administrative apparatus, with the primary goal of centralization and increasing the ruler's personal power.^[153]

In 1380, Grand Chancellor Hu Weiyong was imprisoned and executed on suspicion of participating in a conspiracy against the emperor. As a result, his position and entire office (Central Secretariat) were abolished.^[154][155] Furthermore, the emperor forbade its restoration permanently.^[156] Six ministries were then placed directly under the emperor's control.^[156] The Censorate was also temporarily abolished, and the unitary Chief Military Commission governing the armed forces was divided into five Chief Military Commissions, each controlling a portion of the troops in the capital and a fifth of the regions.^{[153][157][158]} Additionally, twelve guards of the Imperial Guard in the capital were directly subordinate to the emperor. One of these guards, known as the Embroidered Uniform Guard, acted as the secret police. This resulted in the fragmentation of state authority and the government, which immediately eliminated the possibility of a coup d'état but weakened the government's long-term ability to act.^[156]

After the major purge of 1380, smaller processes followed, targeting several ministers and deputy ministers, as well as the emperor's nephew Li Wenzhong and hundreds of less prominent individuals.^[159] The executions sparked a wave of protests from officials, who pointed to the demoralization of the state apparatus and the waste of human resources. The emperor did not punish the critics, but he also did not change his policies.^[160]

In 1381, the lijia system was implemented throughout the country, and the Yellow Registers were introduced to revise the population records.^[161] Additionally, a census was conducted.^[t] As part of this system, tax collection was transferred to the li, resulting in the abolishment of regional tax captains in 1382. However, they were reinstated three years later. Regional tax captains collected taxes from the heads of the li^[163] and delivered to state granaries. The li were responsible for covering expenses related to transportation, accounting, and supervision.^[164]

The campaign against large landowners also targeted the new Ming officials. In 1380, land ownership of ministers and officials was reviewed, followed by a similar review in 1381 for holders of noble titles,^[125] including members of the imperial family. These individuals were required to return their acquired lands to the state and were compensated with rice and silk.^[126] This resulted in a long-lasting fragmentation of land ownership. Even two centuries later, He Liangjun (何良俊; 1506–1573) observed that there were no large landowners in Suzhou, and no one owned more than ten times the amount of land as a small peasant.^[110]

In 1382, the emperor suffered a significant loss when Empress Ma died. That same year, the newly appointed head of the Court of Judicature and Revision criticized the emperor's support of Buddhist monks, their privileges at court, and their position in the government. As a result, the emperor limited their influence. At the same time, there was a growing support for Confucianism, leading to the opening of Confucius temples throughout the empire. These temples had previously been closed in 1369, with the exception of one in Confucius' birthplace.^[165] This shift towards Confucianism also resulted in the renewal of civil service examinations in 1384,^[95] with only required knowledge of the Four Books and Five Classics. The promotion of Confucianism strengthened the emphasis on moral considerations in the management of the state, rather than solely focusing on economic factors.^[85]

The 1380s saw a significant increase in foreign policy activity.^[147] In 1380 and 1381, the northern border troops launched large-scale expeditions beyond the Great Wall.^[147][166] In 1381, the Ming army, led by Fu Youde, quickly conquered Yunnan. However, suppressing local uprisings kept Fu Youde's soldiers occupied for several more years. Additionally, a significant number of troops were needed to guard the coast against smugglers and pirates, delaying the offensive in the north until 1387.^[167] The campaign into Manchuria in 1387 was ultimately successful, but the commanding general, Feng Sheng, was replaced by Lan Yu. In the 1388 campaign, Lan Yu's army of 200,000 decisively defeated the Mongols at the Songhua River and Buir Lake.^[166] The Chinese captured 73,000 Mongol warriors, including the Mongol crown prince and his younger brother. Mongol khan Tögüs Temür fled, but was assassinated the following year, leading to disputes over succession among his people. As a reward, Lan Yu was granted the title of duke, and six of his generals were made marquises.^[168] The campaign also resulted in the annexation of the Liaodong Peninsula.^[169]

From 1390 onwards, the armies sent north of the Great Wall were commanded by the emperor's sons, particularly Zhu Di, but also Zhu Shuang, Zhu Gang, and Zhu Fu.^[170] During this time, there was also a new wave of arrests that began in the early 1390s. In the autumn of 1391, Crown Prince Zhu Biao went on an inspection trip to Shaanxi, where he was supposed to assess the possibility of moving the capital to Xi'an.^[171] However, upon his return, he fell ill and died in 1392. This sudden death of the heir to the throne caused instability in the power system.^[152] In response, the emperor appointed Zhu Biao's son, Zhu Yunwen, as the new crown prince. In order to ensure a smooth transition of power to the young heir, the Hongwu Empetor initiated a massive new wave of purges in 1393, starting with the accusation and execution of General Lan Yu. These purges were aimed at dismantling the military nobility.^[99]

During the thirty years of the Hongwu Emperor's rule, approximately 100,000 people were killed in political purges.^[154][172] The most notable of these purges occurred in 1390, when arrests and executions extended to the entire ruling class.^[99] It seems that the emperor realized that the military hereditary elite was not a reliable source of support for the throne and made the decision to eliminate them.^[99] In an attempt to address the issue of extreme wealth disparities, many landowners and merchants were unjustly executed under the false accusation of being associated with treacherous politicians.^[125]

However, the power vacuum that resulted was not filled by civil officials, but primarily by the emperor's sons.^[99] Similar to the generals before them, they alternated between serving on the border with the army and holding audiences in the capital.^[170] This helped to stabilize the empire during the Hongwu Emperor's lifetime.^[170] However, after his death, a crisis arose due to the loyalty of the generals and officials being directed towards the emperor as an individual rather than the office.^[147]

The Hongwu Emperor fell seriously ill in December 1397 and again from 24 May 1398. On 22 June, his condition worsened and he died on 24 June 1398, after thirty years of reign.^[173] He was buried in the Xiao Mausoleum, located on the southern side of Purple Mountain, east of Nanjing.

In traditional Chinese historiography, the Hongwu Emperor was revered as a typical founder of a dynasty. He is credited with bringing China out of the chaos of civil war and freeing it from foreign rule. His unification of the country and restoration of order in society laid the groundwork for a prosperous and thriving era under the new dynasty. In recognition of his achievements, he was given the posthumous name Taizu, meaning "Grand Progenitor", by his successor. This same perspective was reflected in the official history of the Ming dynasty, known as the History of Ming, which was written during the Qing dynasty.^[174]

Modern historians, influenced by a strong aversion towards the dictators of the 20th century, an anti-monarchist mindset, and a tendency to psychoanalyze personalities, often place a heavy emphasis on the despotic nature of his regime^[174] and attribute it to paranoia,^[44] or more generally, to some form of mental illness.^[175] They primarily view him as a dictator whose irrational actions and paranoia have resulted in the loss of countless lives.^[174]

However, a more objective approach would be to examine the emperor within the context of his time and personal experiences. This perspective highlights the impact of his life experiences on his goals and the methods he employed to achieve them. His impoverished and unstable upbringing is considered a crucial period in which he developed his personal philosophy.^[174]

The Hongwu Emperor is widely regarded as one of the most influential and remarkable rulers in Chinese history, regardless of which aspect of his life is emphasized. His reforms had a lasting impact on the Chinese state and society for centuries to come.^[42][176] In order to establish a well-ordered and virtuous society, he adopted Zhu Xi's version of Neo-Confucianism as the state ideology, which greatly contributed to its widespread adoption.^[177] The implementation of the civil service examination system and the subsequent indoctrination of the nation's elite had a profound influence on the country's character.

The abolition of the grand chancellor's office, equivalent to today's prime minister, and the reform of central administrative bodies resulted in the loss of a strong representative for officials. This led to a significant increase in the ruler's power and marked a departure from the Song and Yuan empires, where the emperor's authority was limited. Instead, it established a more despotic rule that continued through the Qing dynasty.^[178] Alternatively, some argue that the unification of the country under a centralized state with an all-powerful emperor during the Ming dynasty was the culmination of a long process that began with the Qin and Han dynasties.^[177]

The Hongwu Emperor had many Korean and Mongolian women among his concubines along with his Empress Ma and had 16 daughters and 26 sons with all of them.^[179]

Consorts and issue:

• Empress Xiaocigao, of the Ma clan
  • Zhu Biao, Crown Prince Yiwen (10 October 1355 – 17 May 1392), first son
  • Zhu Shuang, Prince Min of Qin (3 December 1356 – 9 April 1395), second son
  • Zhu Gang, Prince Gong of Jin (18 December 1358 – 30 March 1398), third son
  • Zhu Di, Prince of Yan, later the Yongle Emperor (2 May 1360 – 12 August 1424), fourth son
  • Zhu Su, Prince Ding of Zhou (8 October 1361 – 2 September 1425), fifth son
  • Princess Ningguo (寧國公主; 1364 – 7 September 1434), second daughter
    • Married Mei Yin, Duke of Rong (d. 1405) in 1378, and had issue (two sons)
  • Princess Anqing (安慶公主), fourth daughter
    • Married Ouyang Lun (歐陽倫; d. 23 July 1397) on 23 December 1381
• Noble Consort Chengmu, of the Sun clan (1343–1374)
  • Princess Lin'an (臨安公主; 1360 – 17 August 1421), personal name Yufeng (玉鳳), first daughter
    • Married Li Qi (李祺; d. 1402), a son of Li Shanchang, in 1376, and had issue (two sons)
  • Princess Huaiqing (懷慶公主; 1366 – 15 July 1425), sixth daughter
    • Married Wang Ning, Marquis of Yongchun (王寧) on 11 September 1382, and had issue (two sons)
  • Tenth daughter
  • Thirteenth daughter
• Noble Consort, of the Jiang clan (貴妃 江氏)
• Noble Consort, of the Zhao clan (貴妃 趙氏)
  • Zhu Mo, Prince Jian of Shen (1 September 1380 – 11 June 1431), 21st son
• Consort Ning, of the Guo clan (寧妃 郭氏)
  • Princess Runing (汝寧公主), fifth daughter
    • Married Lu Xian (陸賢) on 11 June 1382
  • Princess Daming (大名公主; 1368 – 30 March 1426), seventh daughter
    • Married Li Jian (李堅; d. 1401) on 2 September 1382, and had issue (one son)
  • Zhu Tan, Prince Huang of Lu (魯荒王 朱檀; 15 March 1370 – 2 January 1390), tenth son
• Consort Zhaojingchong, of the Hu clan (昭敬充妃 胡氏)
  • Zhu Zhen, Prince Zhao of Chu (5 April 1364 – 22 March 1424), sixth son
• Consort Ding, of the Da clan (定妃 達氏; d. 1390)
  • Zhu Fu, Prince Gong of Qi (齊恭王 朱榑; 23 December 1364 – 1428), seventh son
  • Zhu Zi, Prince of Tan (潭王 朱梓; 6 October 1369 – 18 April 1390), eighth son
• Consort An, of the Zheng clan (安妃 鄭氏)
  • Princess Fuqing (福清公主; 1370 – 28 February 1417), eighth daughter
    • Married Zhang Lin (張麟) on 26 April 1385, and had issue (one son)
• Consort Hui, of the Guo clan (惠妃 郭氏)
  • Zhu Chun, Prince Xian of Shu (蜀獻王 朱椿; 4 April 1371 – 22 March 1423), 11th son
  • Zhu Gui, Prince Jian of Dai (25 August 1374 – 29 December 1446), 13th son
  • Princess Zhenyi of Yongjia (永嘉貞懿公主; 1376 – 12 October 1455), 12th daughter
    • Married Guo Zhen (郭鎮; 1372–1399) on 23 November 1389, and had issue (one son)
  • Zhu Hui, Prince of Gu (谷王 朱橞; 30 April 1379 – 1428), 19th son
  • Princess Ruyang (汝陽公主), 15th daughter
    • Married Xie Da (謝達; d. 1404) on 23 August 1394
• Consort Shun, of the Hu clan (順妃 胡氏)
  • Zhu Bai, Prince Xian of Xiang (湘獻王 朱柏; 12 September 1371 – 18 May 1399), 12th son
• Consort Xian, of the Li clan (賢妃 李氏)
  • Zhu Jing, Prince Ding of Tang (唐定王 朱桱; 11 October 1386 – 8 September 1415), 23rd son
• Consort Hui, of the Liu clan (惠妃 劉氏)
  • Zhu Dong, Prince Jing of Ying (郢靖王 朱棟; 21 June 1388 – 14 November 1414), 24th son
• Consort Li, of the Ge clan (麗妃 葛氏)
  • Zhu Yi, Prince Li of Yi (伊厲王 朱㰘; 9 July 1388 – 8 October 1414), 25th son
  • Prince Zhu Nan (朱楠; 4 January 1394 – February 1394), 26th son
• Consort Zhuangjinganronghui, of the Cui clan (莊靖安榮惠妃 崔氏)
• Consort, of the Han clan (妃 韓氏)
  • Zhu Zhi, Prince Jian of Liao (24 March 1377 – 4 June 1424), 15th son
  • Princess Hanshan (含山公主; 1381 – 18 October 1462), 14th daughter
    • Married Yin Qing (尹清) on 11 September 1394, and had issue (two sons)
• Consort, of the Yu clan (妃 余氏)
  • Zhu Zhan, Prince Jing of Qing (慶靖王 朱㮵; 6 February 1378 – 23 August 1438), 16th son
• Consort, of the Yang clan (妃 楊氏)
  • Zhu Quan, Prince Xian of Ning (27 May 1378 – 12 October 1448), 17th son
• Consort, of the Zhou clan (妃 周氏)
  • Zhu Pian, Prince Zhuang of Min (岷莊王 朱楩; 9 April 1379 – 10 May 1450), 18th son
  • Zhu Song, Prince Xian of Han (韓憲王 朱松; 20 June 1380 – 19 November 1407), 20th son
• Beauty, of the Zhang clan (美人 張氏), personal name Xuanmiao (玄妙)
  • Princess Baoqing (寶慶公主; 1394–1433), 16th daughter
    • Married Zhao Hui (趙輝; 1387–1476) in 1413
• Lady, of the Lin clan (林氏)
  • Princess Nankang (南康公主; 1373 – 15 November 1438), personal name Yuhua (玉華), 11th daughter
    • Married Hu Guan (胡觀; d. 1403) in 1387, and had issue (one son)
• Lady, of the Gao clan (郜氏)
  • Zhu Ying, Prince Zhuang of Su (肅莊王 朱楧; 10 October 1376 – 5 January 1420), 14th son
• Unknown
  • Princess Chongning (崇寧公主), third daughter
    • Married Niu Cheng (牛城) on 21 December 1384
  • Zhu Qi, Prince of Zhao (趙王 朱杞; October 1369 – 16 January 1371), ninth son
  • Princess Shouchun (壽春公主; 1370 – 1 August 1388), ninth daughter
    • Married Fu Zhong (傅忠; d. 20 December 1394), the first son of Fu Youde, on 9 April 1386, and had issue (one son)
  • Zhu Ying, Prince Hui of An (安惠王 朱楹; 18 October 1383 – 9 October 1417), 22nd son

• Chinese emperors family tree (late)
• Huang Ming Zu Xun, the "Ancestral Instructions" written by Hongwu to guide his descendants
• Ming Xiaoling Mausoleum
• Ming–Tibet relations
• Ming dynasty in Inner Asia
• Hongwu Tongbao

• Jiang, Yonglin, ed. (2005). The Great Ming Code: Da Ming lü. Seattle: University of Washington Press. ISBN 9780295984490.

• Media related to Hongwu Emperor at Wikimedia Commons
• Quotations related to Hongwu Emperor at Wikiquote