Macau independence

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Macau independence (Chinese: 澳門獨立; Portuguese: Independência de Macau) is a stance advocating for Macau's independence from the People's Republic of China. In 2016, the topic of Macau independence was brought up due to the controversy over the revision of Legislative Assembly of Macau election law, which is indirectly influenced by the Hong Kong Legislative Council oath-taking controversy. In 2017, different media outlets sensationalized the Macau independence issue; among such media outlets are Global Times (affiliated with the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party) and Jornal San Wa Ou [zh] from Macau. These groups were criticized by various parties for it.^[1][2][3][4] Critics expressed concerns that raising such discussions could turn a non-existent and unpopular topic into reality, comparing it to the way Hong Kong independence became increasingly discussed after being brought up by former Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying (Leung was even mocked as the "Father of Hong Kong Independence" for his role in spotlighting the issue.)^[5][6] A commentary by Radio France Internationale suggested that the Macau independence topic was a narrative fabricated by authorities as a means to suppress opposition.^[2] Historically, Portugal attempted to make China recognize Macau's independence during its weakened state following the Opium Wars, but successive Chinese governments have never relinquished sovereignty over Macau.

The Portuguese colony of Macau was established in 1557, initially in exchange for 500 taels (approx. 20 kg) of silver per year. In 1845, Maria II of Portugal declared that Macau was to become a free port, in response to the establishment of the nearby free port of Hong Kong, which posed an economic threat to Macau. At this time, the government of Macau also became more hostile to the Qing offices established in the area and began a campaign of removing them and expanding the territory of the colony. By 1889, the territory of Macau had been expanded to roughly its current size. In 1887, the Qing government was forced to sign the Sino-Portuguese Treaty of Peking which, among other concessions, recognised a permanent settlement of Macau by the Portuguese in exchange for Portugal agreeing to not cede the territory to another power without the Qing's consent.

On December 16, 1946, the United Nations resolution declared that Macau, Singapore, and all other colonies were considered "Non-Self-Governing Territories," which meant they could break away from their colonial powers and become independent nations.^[7] On December 14, 1960, the United Nations passed Resolution 1514, which granted colonial territories the right to self-determination and independence. In late September 1964, left-wing organizations from multiple countries from the International Union of Students met in Moscow, Soviet Union. On September 20, the leaders of Soviet youth organizations began their group discussions, during which they demanded the independence of Hong Kong and Macau. Subsequently, a representative from Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) introduced a draft resolution calling for the abolition of colonialism in Asia, listing Hong Kong, Macau, East Timor, Papua New Guinea, Oman, Aden, and South Arabia as territories to be granted independence according to the United Nations declaration. In response, the Chinese representatives strongly objected, asserting that Hong Kong and Macau were Chinese territories that had been occupied by Britain and Portugal. The resolution calling for the independence of Hong Kong and Macau was seen as an attempt to separate these territories from China. Ultimately, the draft resolution proposed by the Ceylon representative was passed. The Chinese delegation later issued a statement, accusing the forum of being used by the Soviet Union as an "anti-China" tool, rather than a means of uniting the Third World against imperialism.^[8][9][10]

On December 3, 1966, the 12-3 incident broke out, triggering a clash between the police and the public and led to widespread protests against colonial rule. Local pro-Beijing leftist groups, influenced by the Cultural Revolution, introduced methods of struggle from the Cultural Revolution itself; through the "anti-colonial, patriotic" struggle, they aimed to seize power from the colonial government. The incident resulted in 8 deaths and over 200 injuries.^[11][12][13] On December 10, the Foreign Affairs Office of the Guangdong People's Committee, along with pro-Communist organizations in Macau, presented six demands to the Governor of Macau, José Manuel de Sousa e Faro Nobre de Carvalho, including the demand for him to publicly apologize and sign a confession. Starting on December 21, the Macau-Portuguese government was forced to send representatives daily to Gongbei to negotiate the content of the confession with the Guangdong Foreign Affairs Office.^[13] In January 1967, the Guangdong People's Committee closed the border gate at Gongbei, blocking food and water supplies from Mainland China to Macau, forcing the Macau government to comply. On January 28, the Macau-Portuguese government issued an apology, signing the "Reply to the Protest Letter from the Chinese Community Representatives," and the involved officials were removed from Macau. After the incident, the Macau-Portuguese government's authority rapidly declined, and it lost its will to govern, with all political decisions aligning with the intentions of the mainland authorities and the Chinese Communist Party. For example, it cooperated with efforts to purge the Kuomintang's influence in Macau (before the incident, there was a balance of power between the KMT and CCP forces). Pro-Communist Chinese leader He Xian became the de facto "shadow Governor" of Macau, and some mocked Macau as becoming a "semi-liberated zone." From then on, the left-wing forces controlled Macau's society.^[12][14]

On March 8, 1972, the People's Republic of China, which had recently replaced the Republic of China and assumed the "China" seat at the United Nations, insisted on its sovereignty over Hong Kong and Macau. It stated that Macau "does not belong to the usual colonial category" and, through a resolution, requested that "it should not be included in the list of territories to which the colonial declaration applies." On November 2 of the same year, during a meeting, Resolution 2908 titled "Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples" was eventually passed, with 99 votes in favor of granting colonial territories the right to self-determination. Five countries - the United Kingdom, France, Portugal, South Africa, and the United States - voted against it, while 23 countries abstained. Under pressure from the People's Republic of China, an amendment was adopted to exclude Macau and Hong Kong from the "list of territories to which the Declaration is applicable," confirming that the right to self-determination and independence in the declaration did not apply to Macau (though, due to the UN's lack of authority to intervene in the territorial claims of member states, the resolution did not directly address Hong Kong's sovereignty or whether it was considered a colony).^[15] From then on, Macau lost its right to self-determination.

In 1975, the Portuguese offered to return Macau to China. However, as the Cultural Revolution was still wreaking havoc on the mainland, the CCP refused to take back the colony.^[16] On 13 April 1987, the governments of Portugal and China signed the Sino-Portuguese Joint Declaration to lay out the terms of the handover of Macau to the PRC. The date for the handover was set at 20 December 1999.^[17][18]

Former associate professor of the Department of Government and Public Administration at the University of Macau, Chou Kwok Ping [zh], compared the political stances of social groups in Macau and Hong Kong. He noted that pro-Beijing forces in Hong Kong were crushed by the British colonial government during the 1967 riots. The public in Hong Kong disdained the leftist forces for disrupting the city’s stability and prosperity, and the British authorities curbed their challenges to Hong Kong’s autonomy. On the other hand, in Macau, leftist forces compelled the Portuguese colonial government to concede during the 1966 "12-3 Incident." This allowed leftists to establish roots across various social strata, leading to Macau’s society being broadly pro-China today, with a stronger sense of identification with Mainland China. As a result, fostering a distinct local identity in Macau has been challenging. Currently, the people of Macau exhibit a strong sense of cultural and governmental alignment with China, and from the Chinese government’s perspective, Macau is considered a more successful example of the “one country, two systems” framework compared to Hong Kong.^[19]

Despite both being colonial governments, the Portuguese response to the 12-3 Incident and the British response to the 1967 riots were markedly different. The Portuguese chose to "apologize and admit fault," whereas the British authorities adopted a "no compromise" approach, maintaining order until the Chinese government forced Hong Kong's leftist forces to cease their activities. These differing strategies led to contrasting developmental trajectories in the two regions over the subsequent 20 years. After the Portuguese government lost its will to govern, Macau experienced a period of stagnation in politics, economy, society, and culture. In contrast, the British administration in Hong Kong demonstrated strong governance and high public support after quelling the leftist riots. Following a review of the root causes of the 1967 unrest, the British implemented extensive reforms in political, economic, and social domains, propelling Hong Kong into its "golden era" during the 1970s and 1980s as one of the "Four Asian Tigers." By comparison, Macau's stagnation and decline became increasingly apparent, leading its residents, unlike some in Hong Kong who opposed reunification, to view reunification as a means to address the Portuguese administration's inaction.^[16]

In terms of civil society, Macau lags behind its neighbor Hong Kong. Hong Kong boasts a robust civil society with non-government organizations supporting press freedom, advocating for public interests, and fighting for democracy, along with universities that are passionate about political and democratic movements. Since 2014, students in Hong Kong have actively discussed the possibility of independence, with most pro-independence movements originating from Hong Kong universities. The growing anti-Beijing sentiment in society has also led fewer Hong Kong people to identify as "Chinese." In Macau, civil society is less developed, and organizations representing public interests hold weaker influence. Universities in Macau are also less inclined to engage in political discussions.

Macau’s construction of identity and national affiliation differs significantly from that of Hong Kong. In December 2015, a poll conducted by the University of Hong Kong surveyed 510 Macau residents by phone. The results showed that the identification with being "Chinese" among Macau residents increased by 2 points from 2014, matching their identification with being "Macau people," both scoring 7.9 out of 10. The survey also revealed that Macau residents are most concerned about livelihood issues, followed by economic and political concerns, with little structural change over the years.^[20][21][22] An article by The Economist in 2017, following the extensive damage caused by Typhoon Hato in Macau, highlighted a key difference between Hong Kong and Macau. While Macau residents warmly applauded the People's Liberation Army for assisting in post-typhoon disaster relief, similar humanitarian efforts by the PLA in Hong Kong often faced skepticism.^[2]

An opinion article on the Swedish news website The Perspective argues that while Macau and Hong Kong face similar issues - such as an influx of new immigrants, soaring property prices, a lack of democracy, the "Mainlandization" of local culture, and repeated interventions by the Beijing government - Macau has not developed the same independence sentiment as Hong Kong. One reason is that Macau, known as the "world’s gambling capital" and one of the wealthiest regions globally, heavily relies on its gambling and tourism industries, which account for more than half of its GDP. Macau's economy is largely dependent on visitors from Mainland China, making the cost of losing this source of revenue too high for its residents. In contrast, Hong Kong possesses a strong economic foundation that allows it to survive even without Mainland Chinese tourists, giving it more leverage to confront the Beijing government.^[21]

In 2016, following the fifth interpretation of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China regarding the Hong Kong Legislative Council oath-taking controversy, the Macau government submitted a proposal to the Legislative Assembly to amend the electoral law. The amendment required candidates to declare their support for the Basic Law and loyalty to the Macau Special Administrative Region. It also stipulated that candidates cannot hold positions as legislators in other countries. Secretary for Administration and Justice Chan Hoi Fan Sonia stated that the new provisions were introduced as a precautionary measure, referencing the interpretation of Article 104 of Hong Kong's Basic Law by the NPC. She explained that the inclusion of a declaration form was intended to "nip issues in the bud." She also mentioned that the Electoral Affairs Commission would evaluate candidates' past statements or actions to determine if they were deemed "not supportive or disloyal." However, since the amendment would not have retroactive effect, candidates who signed the declaration and expressed a willingness to renounce any prior "disloyal or unsupportive" remarks would not have their eligibility as legislators affected. On the other hand, candidates who refused to sign the declaration or were proven to lack support or loyalty would be disqualified from running.^[23][24]

A commentary article in Jornal Informação (Són Pou) [zh] described Macau's society as harmonious and docile, likening it to a "little lamb," and criticized the government's actions as "asking for trouble" and "unnecessary," questioning whether the government intended to eliminate all opposition voices in society. It argued that the government's approach would only increase public dissatisfaction and speculated that the government might be using Hong Kong as a model, finding a scapegoat for its own failures in governance. The commentary further stated that Macau has never had a so-called "Macau independence" ideology, as it neither has the market nor the soil for it. It criticized those who constantly claim to be wary of "Macau independence," arguing that they incessantly provoke such discussions. Coupled with local dissatisfaction with government incompetence and corruption, regional grievances could spread to resentment against the Beijing government. The article also criticized the Macau government for quickly introducing new legal amendments less than a month after the Hong Kong NPC interpretation, while its handling of livelihood issues was slow and inefficient.^[23]

The then-Vice President of the New Macau Association, Sou Ka Hou, criticized the government for "imitating poorly" and also accused Chan Hoi Fan of trying to become the "mother of Macau independence." He pointed out that Article 101 of the Basic Law already clearly outlines the requirements for lawmakers to swear to uphold, support, and be loyal to the law, and that making further amendments to the law was an act of "overstepping the Basic Law." He criticized the proposed legal amendments, arguing that the claim of "being prepared in advance" was merely "an attempt to cover up guilt."^[24]

On September 9, during a campaign rally at Rotunda de Carlos da Maia [zh] held by Sulu Sou and other members of the New Macau Association, running under the name "Progressive Association," they were confronted by over ten individuals claiming to be members of the "Macau Collectors Association." The protesters carried banners and chanted slogans such as "Oppose pro-independence groups entering the Legislative Assembly." The banners displayed messages like "Wong Kin-long, stop spreading independence to harm young people," "In the face of disaster, the motherland is our support," and "Pro-independence groups are inhumane." The association's president, Ng Lei Fan, stated that they noticed "pro-independence" youth on the candidate list of the New Macau Association and had heard allegations that Hong Kong's "pro-independence" election tactics were being imported into Macau. Ng expressed firm opposition to pro-independence ideology entering Macau and emphasized their determination not to allow such ideas to harm the youth.^[25]

Members of the Progressive Association campaign team asked one of the protesters to provide evidence that Wong had promoted "Macau independence." The protester opened their phone to search but was unable to find anything. Another protester then told them, "Don’t answer any of their questions!" Meanwhile, several protesters repeatedly shouted, "Pro-independence groups are simply inhumane!" Later, when approached by journalists, one of the protesters stated they were part of the "anti-independence group" and expressed concern that Hong Kong's pro-independence faction might transfer their "tactics" to Macau's Legislative Assembly. A journalist responded that there is currently no such thing as "Macau independence," to which the man replied, "It cannot be allowed to exist." When the journalist further asked why this was connected to the New Macau Association candidates, the man claimed the candidates were linked to Hong Kong's pro-independence groups. When pressed for evidence, he admitted, "We don’t have any at the moment... we’re just expressing our opinions... all in all, we are against it."^[26]

On September 13, members of Progressive Association held a gathering at Areia Preta [zh], during which they were disrupted by the lead candidates of three other groups: Li Shaokun from Group 17, Wong Wai Man from Group 22, and Lee Kin Yun [zh] from Group 23. These individuals insulted members of the Progressive Association, using terms such as "traitors," and attempted to obstruct the campaign speeches and promotional activities of the Progressive Association candidates.^[27]

The individuals involved and the reports that introduced the "Macau independence" topic faced criticism and rebuttal from Progressive Association members, scholars, experts, and some media outlets after publication. Sulu Sou and Wong Kin Long clarified the accusations, stating that labeling opposition members as advocating independence or being influenced by foreign forces is a common political tactic used by Beijing authorities. Sou argued that certain groups falsely accusing Progressive Association candidates of "pushing for independence" is, in a way, an acknowledgment of the association's past efforts in monitoring the government.^[26] Responding to an inquiry from Stand News, Wong Kin Long explained that the statements cited by Global Times were merely legal technical discussions aimed at pointing out loopholes in Macau's legal system and did not represent his personal support for Hong Kong independence. He emphasized that he has never advocated for Macau or Hong Kong independence, criticizing Global Times for distorting the facts.^[28] Wong further stated, "In Macau, Macau independence simply does not exist."^[29]

After being elected, Sou stated on a Radio Macau program that "patriotism" has been distorted into mere "expressions of loyalty," reduced to a slogan. He questioned whether some people are using "patriotism" to gain more personal benefits. A listener commented, pointing out that no candidate groups had included "Macau independence" in their platforms, yet some individuals hid behind the internet, making baseless and fabricated accusations that certain groups were "promoting Macau independence." The listener criticized these "troublemakers who disrupt society" as the true "fathers of Macau independence." They added that rather than discussing "Macau independence," it would be better to focus on "loving the country and loving Macau." The listener also criticized many legislators for only talking about "loving the country and Macau" without taking any real action.^[30]

On January 15, 2021, various groups from the Bay Area in California gathered in front of the Chinese Consulate-General in San Francisco to hold a memorial event commemorating Leung Ling-kit, a deceased participant in Hong Kong's anti-extradition movement. The attendees included both Hong Kong independence organizations and several supporters of Macau independence, some of whom held signs reading "Macau Independence" in both Chinese and English.^[31] One participant stated that they had organized events in Macau in 2019 to show solidarity with Hong Kong's anti-extradition movement, including black-clad protests on campus. However, these activities were met with intimidation from the police. The participant remarked, "The Chinese Communist Party has never stopped suppressing Macau while cracking down on Hong Kong, which is why Macau residents should stand in support of Hong Kongers."^[32]

Tam Chi Keung [zh], a professor at Macau University of Science and Technology and an expert on Macau issues, stated that in the years leading up to the 2017 Legislative Assembly elections, he had never heard of "Macau independence" or "independence advocates." He described accusations made in related articles as "completely baseless," suggesting they appeared to be an attempt by pro-Beijing media to smear opponents in the election.^[2] Eilo Wing-Yat Yu [zh], an associate professor in the Department of Government and Public Administration at the University of Macau, expressed concern that raising discussions about "independence advocates" might turn a non-existent issue into a real one. He compared the situation to Hong Kong a decade ago, when no one discussed Hong Kong independence until then-Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying warned about the issue, which inadvertently led to more people discussing the topic and earning him the nickname "Father of Hong Kong Independence." Yu further noted the political atmosphere in Macau differs from that in Hong Kong. Most Macau residents do not support radical approaches, and sentiments such as "anti-China" or "anti-Communist" lack traction in Macau.^[6] He commented, "When Global Times raised the issue of 'Macau independence,' everyone knew trouble was brewing, because this wasn’t even a real issue to begin with. But once you name it, it becomes one."^[1]

Macau media outlet Jornal Informação (Són Pou) [zh] published a commentary criticizing the 2017 Legislative Assembly elections in Macau, stating that in addition to "overwhelming defamatory remarks" online, some groups or candidates openly broke the law by disrupting the campaign activities of certain groups; these groups were slandered and labeled with terms like "Macau independence" and "traitor of the nation," which the article questioned as being part of an organized suppression effort. The commentary argued that "patriotism and love for Macau" have always been a "long-standing tradition" among the people of Macau, and there is no fertile ground for "Macau independence." It claimed that discussing "Macau independence" in Macau is "electoral poison" and amounts to "political suicide." The article further suggested that those pushing the false narrative of "Macau independence" are doing so because "anti-Macau independence" will inevitably become a lucrative avenue in the future. It criticized this behavior, stating that whoever aggressively promotes "anti-Macau independence" today will eventually become the "father of Macau independence."^[5]

Pro-democracy Macau Legislative Assembly member Au Kam San suggested that Global Times may have deliberately exaggerated by labeling opposition candidates as advocates of "Macau independence." He pointed out that the vast majority of Macau's population consists of new immigrants from Mainland China or second-generation immigrants, with only about one-third being native-born Macau residents. Furthermore, since the 1960s, Macau's civil society has been dominated by pro-Beijing associations, and following China's reform and opening-up, the entire society has become closely aligned with the Beijing government. As a result, the notion of "Macau independence" has no market or support.^[33]

Radio France Internationale commented that the "Macau independence" issue is a farcical narrative fabricated by the authorities to suppress the opposition.^[2]

Pundit Lee Kwok-keung believes that certain vested interest groups exaggerate the influence of "Macau independence" to create a fictional enemy, aiming to win favor and rewards from the Chinese government. He compared these individuals to late Ming Dynasty generals who fabricated enemies and inflated minor skirmishes into grand victories to falsely report military achievements, thereby securing imperial commendations and military funds through deception. Lee further argued that the greatest threat to the regime is not the opposition figures accused of advocating independence, who "have nothing more than a pen and a voice." Instead, it lies with the real estate developers who, since Macau's handover, have amassed wealth through unscrupulous land speculation and hoarding.^[34]

Macau government-appointed legislator and University of Macau Law Professor Iau Teng Pio [zh], in his article "Comprehensively and Accurately Implementing 'One Country, Two Systems' as the Fundamental Guarantee for Macau's Prosperity and Stability," argued that the Macau government’s efforts to promote patriotic education among young people have enhanced their understanding of the development, culture, and values of the Chinese nation, as well as China's modern historical progress and Macau's relationship with the country. This has helped students "accurately understand the nation and Macau," thereby preventing pro-independence rhetoric, fostering patriotism, and supporting the implementation of "one country, two systems" in Macau.^[35]

Hong Kong freelance writer Hau Chun-on, on the other hand, argued that Macau, with a history of 500 years of independence from mainland rule—longer than Hong Kong—has an even greater claim to independence. Hau suggested that Macau’s independence could follow examples of "small nations separating from larger powers" around the world and proposed that Macau could model itself after Monaco, relying on its gambling industry as an economic pillar. An independent Macau, he argued, could establish "true democracy" and "plan ahead" to address potential livelihood issues.^[36]

In September 2018, the Hong Kong National Party, a group advocating for Hong Kong independence, was banned from operating by the Hong Kong government. A reporter asked Macau's Secretary for Security, Wong Sio Chak, whether the Macau government would take similar action if an organization advocating for Macau independence emerged. Wong stated that Macau's laws regulate associations to ensure they do not violate legal provisions, harm national security, or damage Macau's public order and customs. He added that a situation similar to Hong Kong's had not occurred in Macau, so it was impossible to predict how such a case would be handled. Each case is different, and any incidents would be analyzed and assessed under the National Security Law and related legal frameworks. Wong also emphasized, "Criticism of the government and crimes that endanger national security are two separate issues. I hope people do not conflate them."^[37]

Advocating for Macau independence is considered illegal by the Macau authorities. The Macau National Security Law stipulates that "anyone who attempts, through violence or other serious illegal means, to separate a part of the national territory from national sovereignty or to subject it to foreign sovereignty shall be sentenced to 10 to 25 years in prison."^[38] Even mere incitement can be punished under the Penal Code for the crime of "incitement to violent alteration of an established system."^[39]

• Hong Kong independence
• Taiwan independence movement
• Tibetan independence movement
• East Turkestan independence movement