Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah

In this Malay name, there is no surname or family name. The name Mohd Hamzah is a patronymic, and the person should be referred to by their given name, Razaleigh. The word "bin" or "binti"/"binte" means 'son of' or 'daughter of', respectively.
Yang Mulia Tan Sri
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah
DK (Kelantan) PSM SSAP SPMS
تڠكو غزالي حمزة‎
Razaleigh in 2013
Ministerial roles
1976–1984Minister of Finance
1984–1987Minister of Trade and Industry
Faction represented in Dewan Rakyat
1974–1989Barisan Nasional
1989–1996Parti Melayu Semangat 46
1996–2022Barisan Nasional
Faction represented in Kelantan State Legislative Assembly
1969–1974Alliance Party
1974Barisan Nasional
Other roles
1965–1970Founding Executive Director of the Bank Bumiputera Malaysia Berhad
1970–1976Chairman & Managing Director of the Bank Bumiputera Malaysia Berhad
1970–1974Chairman of the National Corporation
1974–1976Founding Chairman & Chief Executive PETRONAS
1976–1977Chairman of the Asian Development Bank
1977–1978Chairman of the 33rd Board of Governors of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund
1978–1979Chairman of the Islamic Development Bank
Personal details
Born
Tengku Razaleigh bin Tengku Mohd Hamzah

(1937-04-13) 13 April 1937 (age 87)
Kota Bharu, Kelantan, Unfederated Malay States, British Malaya (now Malaysia)
CitizenshipMalaysian
Political partyUnited Malays National Organisation (UMNO) (1962–1988; 1996–present)
Parti Melayu Semangat 46 (S46) (1989–1996)
Other political
affiliations		Barisan Nasional (BN) (1962–1988; 1996–present)
Gagasan Rakyat (GR) (1990–1996)
Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU) (1990–1996)
Spouse
Cik Puan Noor Yvonne Abdullah née Yvonne Law
​
​
(m. 1993; died 2015)​
RelationsSultan Muhammad V (grandnephew)
RelativesTengku Abdul Aziz (brother)
Residence(s)No. 31, Jalan Langgak Golf, Ampang, Kuala Lumpur (city)
Palm Manor, Kota Bharu, Kelantan (birthplace cum hometown; private)
Alma materQueen's University Belfast
OccupationPolitician

Tan Sri Tengku Razaleigh bin Tengku Mohd Hamzah (Jawi: تڠکو غزالي بن تڠکو محمد حمزة; born 13 April 1937) is a prominent Malaysian politician who served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Gua Musang from August 1986 to November 2022 and for Ulu Kelantan from August 1974 to August 1986. He holds the distinction of being the longest-serving MP to date, with a career spanning 48 consecutive years. Known as the Father of Malaysian Economic Development, Razaleigh played a key role in establishing policies foundational to Malaysia’s economic growth.[1][2][3][4] A descendant of Malay royalty, he is also a great-uncle to the current Sultan of Kelantan, Sultan Muhammad V.

He served as Minister of Finance (1976–1984), Minister of International Trade and Industry (1984–1987), former Chairman of the Asian Development Bank, Islamic Development Bank, founding Chairman and Chief Executive of PETRONAS (Malaysian oil company), and Chairman of the 33rd Board of Governors of the World Bank and IMF.[5] His popularity has earned him nicknames such as "The People's Prince" and "Ku Kita" (Our Tengku). He is affectionately known as Ku Li, derived from the last syllables of Tengku Razaleigh; a common custom in the Kelantan dialect.[6]

Early life and education

[edit]

Razaleigh was born on 13 April 1937 in Kota Bharu to Tengku Sri Maharaja Tengku Muhammad Hamzah Ibni Almarhum Raja Dewa Tengku Zainal Abidin, former Menteri Besar of Kelantan.[7] He attended English-medium schools, starting at Sultan Ismail College, and later enrolling in the Malay College Kuala Kangsar (MCKK). Disliking the boarding school environment, he transferred to Anderson School in Ipoh, Perak. He graduated with a Bachelor of Science in Economics from Queen's University of Belfast in 1959 and briefly pursued a law degree at Lincoln's Inn. However, his studies were interrupted by his father’s passing.[8][9]

Razaleigh returned to Malaysia to take over the family business, and then joined the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).[8]

Involvement in Malaysia's economic development

[edit]
Tengku Razaleigh

From the mid-1960s, Razaleigh played a crucial role in various initiatives aimed at advancing Malaysia's economic development. Supported by then Prime Ministers Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Abdul Razak, he was entrusted with several key initiatives, including the corporate takeover of major foreign-owned businesses, ensuring their transformation into Malaysian-owned entities.

Bank Bumiputra Malaysia Berhad

[edit]

On 4 June 1965, the "Kongres Ekonomi Bumiputra" (Bumiputra Economic Congress), organized by the Ministry of National and Rural Development, convened in Kuala Lumpur to encourage the participation of Malays and other indigenous groups in commerce and industry. Seven working committees were formed to pursue these objectives.[10]

Tun Abdul Razak, then Deputy Prime Minister, announced the government’s decision to establish a local bank, Bank Bumiputra, based on recommendations from the Congress. Initially funded by the Malaysian government, the bank was intended to empower rural entrepreneurs by offering accessible loans. Bank Bumiputra Malaysia Berhad was officially launched by Tun Abdul Razak on 1 October 1965, with an authorized capital of $25 million—higher than the originally announced $5 million.[11] Razaleigh was appointed Executive Director, serving alongside prominent figures in Malaysia’s business landscape.

In 1999, Bank Bumiputra was merged into Bumiputra-Commerce Holdings, later integrated into the CIMB Group.

Perbadanan Nasional Berhad (PERNAS)

[edit]

In 1969, PERNAS (Perbadanan Nasional Berhad or National Corporation) was established to address low participation of Bumiputeras in the private sector. Under Razaleigh’s chairmanship (1970–1974), PERNAS pursued a focused strategy of forming joint ventures and investing in industries that would deliver significant economic returns. This organization also prioritized employing Bumiputeras across all operational levels.[12]

PERNAS set up several subsidiaries to meet its goals, such as Malaysia National Insurance Berhad (MNI), Pernas Construction, Pernas Securities, and Pernas Mining. Notably, Razaleigh was instrumental in the acquisition of several foreign-owned plantations and corporations, including the London Tin Company, Sime Darby, Maybank Berhad, Guthrie Berhad, and Highlands & Lowlands Berhad, through a series of strategic corporate maneuvers.

In 1971, in his capacity as Chairman of PERNAS, Razaleigh led the first official trade delegation to China to initiate a prospect of a business relationship.[13] During the visit, Razaleigh was granted a meeting with China's then Premier Zhou Enlai. In 1971, total trade with China stood at a mere RM105.6 million. By 1980, this ballooned to RM1.6 billion. Since then, the contact between the two countries has steadily increased.

Fleet Holdings

[edit]

Fleet Holdings was created to reduce UMNO's financial dependence on non-Malay supporters, such as Chinese businessmen, and to break the foreign hold over Malaysia's media companies.[14]

The Youth division of UMNO had protested strongly about foreign control over the Malaysian publishing media and passed a resolution requesting the then prime minister, Tun Abdul Razak, to obtain control of the publishing company, the Straits Times Press.[15]

As a result, Fleet Holdings Sdn Bhd was formed in 1972 by Razaleigh as the Treasurer of UMNO on the instructions of Tun Abdul Razak. This company was started with Razaleigh's own money and its purpose was to take control of the local media not just in the form of capital, but in management terms as well.[15]

In the year that it commenced operations, Fleet Holdings paid RM32 million to control 80% of Straits Times Press (later renamed New Straits Times Press).[16] After its successful venture in media, Fleet Holdings expanded into other fields, including banking, car rental, leasing, communications, filming, insurance, and others. When Razaleigh gave up control of the company in 1983, total asset value of Fleet Holdings stood at more than RM500 million with liabilities amounting to only RM56 million. By 1987 however, liabilities exceeded RM448 million and the company was struggling to service its monthly interest payments of RM3 million.[17] Fleet Holdings became the subject of a bitter dispute between Mahathir and Razaleigh before the UMNO party's split.[18]

Through Fleet Group, UMNO held substantial stakes in Bursa Malaysia listed companies, including The New Straits Times Press (M) Bhd, Time Engineering Bhd (now known as Dagang NeXchange Bhd), Bank of Commerce Bhd, Commerce International Merchant Bankers Bhd (both banks later subsumed into CIMB Group) and Faber Group Bhd (now known as UEM Edgenta). Many of the assets have since been sold to government investment companies and other investors.[19]

Petroliam Nasional Berhad (PETRONAS)

[edit]

In the tense political climate of early 1970s Malaysia, the battle for control over oil rights in Sarawak simmered. Disputes between the Sarawak Chief Minister, Abdul Rahman Ya'kub, and his nephew, Abdul Taib Mahmud, then Federal Minister of Natural Resources, reached Prime Minister Abdul Razak’s desk. Knowing that compromise was essential but elusive, Razak turned to Tengku Razaleigh. Tasked with navigating this volatile impasse, Razaleigh traveled to Rahman’s private residence, bearing not merely a proposal but a potential solution to Malaysia’s resource sovereignty. His vision was simple but groundbreaking: a national oil company, not a statutory body, where revenues would be shared equally between Federal and State governments.

Rahman, recognizing the promise of the proposal, agreed. Razaleigh’s return to Kuala Lumpur set in motion a whirlwind of confidential work. Razak, placing implicit trust in his protégé, directed Razaleigh to draft what would become the Petroleum Development Act — a law to be ready before the looming 1974 election. Updates flowed from Razaleigh to Rahman, including the abolishment of Malaysia’s concessions system and a 5% royalty on oil revenues directed to each oil-producing state, matched by an equal share for the Federal government. To Rahman, this was a fair bargain; he offered his blessing.[20]

However, not all states fell in line. In neighboring Sabah, Chief Minister Tun Mustapha staunchly opposed the deal, demanding a 10–20% royalty instead. Threatening secession, he refused the modest 5%, testing the Federal government’s resolve. Razaleigh, however, stood firm. The impasse forced the government to broker a political maneuver: it courted Harris Salleh, Mustapha’s estranged ally, to form the Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA) and challenge Mustapha. Reluctant to lead, Harris eventually agreed, with Fuad Stephens poised to assume Chief Minister should BERJAYA succeed. The 1976 Sabah State elections ousted Mustapha, installing Stephens, though a tragic air crash later that year claimed his life. Harris stepped in, and within a week, Sabah had joined the agreement, securing PETRONAS’ complete dominion over Malaysia's oil and gas resources.[21]

By 1974, the Petroleum Development Act was ratified, formalizing PETRONAS (Petroliam Nasional Berhad) on 17 August 1974. In a rare public pronouncement, Prime Minister Abdul Razak appointed Razaleigh as its inaugural Chairman and Chief Executive. Razak's words rang with gravity: "From among the new blood, I intended to bring Tengku Razaleigh into the Cabinet. However, I have an important job for him, a job as vital as that of a Cabinet Minister. I have decided to appoint him as Chairman and Chief Executive of PETRONAS, which is equivalent to being a Cabinet Minister." This assignment was significant; Razaleigh relinquished his chairmanship of PERNAS yet retained his role as Chairman of Bank Bumiputra.[22]

The road forward was not without its own challenges. Foreign giants Exxon and Shell initially resisted, refusing to cede concessions or negotiate. Razaleigh, resolute, served a stark ultimatum: by 1 April 1975, any oil companies that had not initiated negotiations would be operating illegally within Malaysian waters. After prolonged deliberations, the corporations relented, and PETRONAS secured its foothold as the custodian of Malaysia's oil wealth.

Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB)

[edit]

On 17 March 1978, Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB) was born from an idea by Razaleigh as a cornerstone of the Government’s New Economic Policy (NEP). Razaleigh envisioned PNB not merely as a financial entity but as a transformative force designed to reshape Malaysia's economic landscape. Its purpose was clear and ambitious: to promote share ownership among the Bumiputera, providing a pathway for equity and empowerment, and to develop opportunities for talented Bumiputera professionals to engage actively in the creation and stewardship of national wealth.

PNB’s mission marked a historic shift. It symbolized a new dawn where Malaysians, especially those previously excluded from the economic forefront, could hold a stake in the nation’s economic pulse. Through PNB, Razaleigh offered a blueprint for empowerment — a framework that would allow Malaysian citizens to own and manage resources, while simultaneously fostering a culture of corporate responsibility and fiscal growth.

Today, PNB stands as a pillar of Malaysian economic life. It is a heavyweight on Bursa Malaysia, responsible for nearly 10% of the exchange’s market capitalization and holds strategic investments in many of the country’s leading corporations. More than a financial juggernaut, PNB is deeply invested in Malaysia’s human capital, providing scholarships, employment opportunities, and professional development programs. Through these initiatives, PNB not only fuels corporate growth but also enriches the nation’s future, nurturing a generation of leaders equipped to manage and sustain Malaysia’s wealth.

Setting up banking firms and other institutions

[edit]

With a keen eye on Malaysia’s financial independence, as Finance Minister, Razaleigh initiated a series of groundbreaking institutions that would forever change the nation's banking and insurance landscape. Among his pivotal achievements was the establishment of Bank Pembangunan Malaysia, a development bank crafted to drive Malaysia’s economic growth by financing vital infrastructure projects and nurturing sectors crucial to the country’s aspirations.

Understanding the need for a financial institution that aligned with Malaysia’s Islamic values, Razaleigh wrote the business paper for the setting up of Bank Islam Malaysia, which became a pioneering institution in offering Shariah-compliant banking services. Bank Islam was not merely a bank; it was a statement, a bold move that redefined banking for the nation’s Muslim majority and introduced a new ethical framework to finance, guiding it toward principles of fairness, equity, and mutual benefit.

In parallel, Razaleigh also launched Syarikat Takaful, an insurance company grounded in Syariah principles. Takaful represented a revolutionary concept: an insurance model where policyholders contributed to a shared pool, embodying the spirit of community support. This venture underscored Razaleigh’s foresight in fostering institutions that bridged tradition with innovation, and laid the foundation for Malaysia’s rise as a global center for Islamic finance.

Beyond banking, Razaleigh’s influence stretched into professional development with the founding of the Institute of Marketing Malaysia (IMM) in 1977, where he served as its inaugural Patron. IMM was more than an institution; it was Razaleigh’s call to action for Malaysian professionals, encouraging them to adopt a world-class approach to marketing. Under his patronage, IMM emerged as a vital force in cultivating Malaysia’s marketing talent and shaping the nation’s reputation on the international stage.

Malaysian & ASEAN Chamber of Commerce

[edit]

Razaleigh's leadership at the Malay Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the Malaysian Chamber of Commerce and Industry unfolded like a masterclass in economic vision and diplomacy. His ascent to the presidency of the ASEAN Chamber of Commerce and Industry was not merely ceremonial; it was a testament to his influence across the region, where he became a central figure in orchestrating a strategic restructuring of Malaysia's economy. This transformation involved steering Malaysia away from its reliance on foreign interests and nurturing a self-sustaining, resilient economic framework that empowered local businesses and attracted regional investment.

At the height of Malaysia’s petroleum boom, the Malaysian Chamber of Commerce hailed him as the "Malaysian Oil Prince," a title that reflected not only his expertise in the energy sector but also his fierce commitment to ensuring that Malaysia’s resources were harnessed for the nation’s own advancement. In 1975, this commitment was formalized in the Malaysian Chamber of Commerce resolution, which recognized Razaleigh as the “Father of Malaysian Economic Development.” This acknowledgment was not only an accolade but a national endorsement of his work in paving Malaysia’s path to economic sovereignty and his enduring legacy as a steward of Malaysian progress.

Political career

[edit]

Joining UMNO

[edit]

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah’s political career began in the early 1960s, initially as President of the Malayan Students Union in London and Secretary of the Malay Society in Britain. In 1962, he formally joined UMNO, and later that year, upon his return to Malaya to attend his father’s funeral, he was unanimously elected as Chairman of UMNO’s Ulu Kelantan Division.[23][24] Shortly afterward, he was selected to be part of Malaya’s delegation to the United Nations for its 17th General Assembly, led by Ismail Abdul Rahman, then Minister of Internal Security.[25]

Razaleigh’s political ties included a close connection with Tunku Abdul Rahman, who was both a friend of his father and an influential figure in Malaya’s independence efforts. Tunku encouraged him to run for office, though Razaleigh initially focused on his business career.[7] However, he eventually entered formal politics, winning the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly seat of Ulu Kelantan Barat in the 1969 general election.

In 1971, Razaleigh was elected to the UMNO Supreme Council, joining figures such as Musa Hitam and Prof. Abdul Jalil Hassan as one of seven new members.[26] In 1973, Abdul Razak Hussein, then UMNO President, appointed Razaleigh as UMNO Treasurer. In the 1974 general election, Razaleigh transitioned to a federal role, winning the Dewan Rakyat seat for Ulu Kelantan (now Gua Musang). He was elected as UMNO Vice President in 1975, receiving the second-highest vote count.[27]

Role in Federal Government and Cabinet

[edit]

After Prime Minister Abdul Razak Hussein's sudden death in 1976, it was speculated that Razaleigh was considered for the role of Deputy Prime Minister, which he declined, instead recommending Mahathir Mohamad for the position. He was subsequently appointed Finance Minister, where he gained a reputation as a nationalist due to his uncompromising stance in negotiations with American oil companies regarding PETRONAS’ rights. These negotiations reportedly led to lobbying efforts against him by the Americans; however, his relationship with Prime Minister Hussein helped him maintain his role. Razaleigh eventually relinquished his posts in PETRONAS to focus on his duties as Finance Minister.

Razaleigh’s planning was recognized as pivotal in Barisan Nasional’s (BN) strong performance against the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) in the 1978 general election and Kelantan state elections, securing UMNO’s presence in his home state and boosting his influence within the party.[8] His position strengthened further in that year’s UMNO elections when he was re-elected as Vice President.

Contest for Deputy Premiership

[edit]

In 1981, when Mahathir became Prime Minister, Razaleigh anticipated being appointed as Deputy Prime Minister based on an understanding with Mahathir. However, Mahathir instead declared the position would be decided through the UMNO Deputy Presidency election. Razaleigh entered the race against Musa Hitam but ultimately lost with 517 votes to Musa’s 722, which led to Musa’s appointment as Deputy Prime Minister.[28] Razaleigh later attributed his defeat to a lack of a strong campaign strategy.[29] Mahathir retained Razaleigh as Finance Minister until 1984, when he was appointed Minister of International Trade and Industry following a cabinet reshuffle.

Throughout this period, Razaleigh solidified his standing as a central figure in UMNO and the Federal government, noted for his strategic planning and influence in UMNO’s political and economic initiatives.

Exit from UMNO and formation of Semangat 46

[edit]

In the pivotal 1987 UMNO leadership election, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah mounted a direct challenge to Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, allying with former Deputy Prime Minister Musa Hitam, who had resigned the previous year amid tensions with Mahathir.[28] This challenge split UMNO into two camps: Team A, led by Mahathir and his Deputy Prime Minister Ghafar Baba, and Team B, led by Razaleigh and Musa. The election was tightly contested, with Mahathir retaining his presidency by only 43 votes, while Musa lost the Deputy Presidency to Ghafar by 40 votes. Notably, both living former Prime Ministers, Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Hussein Onn, endorsed Razaleigh, reflecting a substantial rift within the party. Allegations surfaced regarding vote-buying during Friday prayers, held on the day of the election, suggesting an orchestrated effort to sway delegates.[28]

In a controversial turn of events, several delegates reportedly changed sides at the last minute, including Najib Razak, then head of UMNO Youth, who supported Mahathir — a decision he expressed regret over three decades later.[30] Razaleigh’s camp also claimed that during vote counting, a mysterious power outage occurred while Razaleigh was leading. When power was restored, Mahathir was declared the winner.

Razaleigh and Team B disputed the election results, alleging that certain delegates had been improperly elected. They filed a lawsuit, leading the court to declare UMNO an illegal organization in 1988, citing technical irregularities. Although Razaleigh was not among the plaintiffs, it was widely believed that he funded and coordinated the suit.[31] This development precipitated a political and judicial crisis, prompting Mahathir to criticize the judiciary. It marked the beginning of the 1988 Malaysian constitutional crisis.[32] Mahathir reconstituted UMNO as UMNO Baru (New UMNO), including only Team A members. Subsequently, UMNO Baru was recognized as both the de facto and de jure successor to the original UMNO, inheriting its assets while dropping the “Baru” suffix.[33][34][35]

Razaleigh and Team B were unable to register under UMNO Baru, prompting Razaleigh to form a new party with the backing of Tunku Abdul Rahman. Failing to register “UMNO 46” as a name, Razaleigh established Parti Melayu Semangat 46 (S46 or Semangat 46), a reference to the year UMNO was founded in 1946.[36] On 3 June 1989, Semangat 46 was officially registered with the electoral commission.[37] Key leaders who joined Semangat 46 included [[:ms Yusoff|Marina Yusoff]], [[:ms Ishak|Ilyani Ishak]], Rais Yatim, Harun Idris, Suhaimi Kamaruddin, Ahmad Shabery Cheek, Othman Saat, Salleh Abas, Mohd Radzi Sheikh Ahmad, Tengku Azlan Sultan Abu Bakar and Ibrahim Ali.[38]

In 1990, Semangat 46 joined forces with opposition parties to form the Gagasan Rakyat and Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah (APU) coalitions, marking a significant shift in Malaysian politics.[28]

1993 Malaysian Constitutional Crisis

[edit]

During the 1993 Malaysian constitutional crisis, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah emerged as a resolute opponent of a controversial amendment aimed at stripping the Malay Rulers of their legal immunity, which would make them subject to prosecution in court. Razaleigh argued passionately for preserving the traditional protections, seeing them as essential to Malaysia’s constitutional heritage and monarchy’s dignity.[39] Despite his vigorous stance, his opposition did not gain enough political traction to prevent the amendment’s passage.[40]

By 1996, with Malaysia’s political landscape shifting and his party’s influence waning, Razaleigh made a strategic decision to dissolve Semangat 46. This move marked the end of his party’s nine-year run as an alternative voice to UMNO, and he formally rejoined UMNO that same year. Razaleigh’s return symbolized a realignment with the party he had once contested, as he sought to contribute from within UMNO’s ranks once more.[41][38][42]

Return to UMNO

[edit]

Following the dissolution of Semangat 46 in 1996, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah rejoined UMNO. Prime Minister Mahathir dismissed allegations that Razaleigh’s return was a strategy to counterbalance the rising influence of Anwar Ibrahim in UMNO and the government.[42] Anwar, too, publicly welcomed Razaleigh’s return, viewing it as a unifying move for the party.[43][44]

In 1998, amid the political turbulence of Anwar’s expulsion from UMNO, Mahathir brought Razaleigh back into prominence, appointing him UMNO Kelantan liaison chief in 1999 — a position Mahathir had personally held since 1987. This appointment underscored Razaleigh’s potential as a strong successor if he could secure a political victory in his home state of Kelantan.[7][45]

Razaleigh expressed interest in UMNO’s top position multiple times after his return. In 2004, he signaled his intent but failed to secure sufficient nominations to contest the presidency. His ambition to lead resurfaced in 2008, aiming to succeed Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as Prime Minister, though he ultimately lacked the momentum to challenge Najib Razak effectively.

On 22 July 2011, Razaleigh founded the Angkatan Amanah Merdeka (Amanah), a non-governmental organization (NGO) launched at Memorial Tunku Abdul Rahman. The NGO sought to revitalize the spirit of Merdeka (Independence) among Malaysians, drawing on values of national unity and democratic governance.[46] Amanah’s intentions, however, faced skepticism from various quarters; some critics demanded it transform into a political party, aligning with the opposition for future elections.[47]

After the 2018 Malaysian general election (GE14), which resulted in Barisan Nasional (BN) losing federal power, Najib Razak resigned as UMNO President. Razaleigh contested the presidency again in the 2018 UMNO leadership election but was ultimately defeated by Ahmad Zahid Hamidi in a three-way race that also included Khairy Jamaluddin.[48] Following the election, Razaleigh was appointed Chairman of UMNO’s Advisory Council.

On 20 September 2021, Razaleigh submitted his resignation from the Advisory Council, expressing frustration over UMNO’s alliance with the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (BERSATU) and his dissatisfaction with what he viewed as a failed government coalition.[49]

[edit]

Razaleigh, a prominent figure in Malaysian politics, made a notable appearance in Pete Teo and Namewee's public service announcement voter education video, "Undilah" on YouTube, released in 2011. In this impactful video, Razaleigh provides a spoken word introduction to the rap song, joining a diverse cast of Malaysian politicians, celebrities, and other well-known personalities. The video aimed to encourage voter participation, blending art with a call to civic duty.

In conjunction with the 50th anniversary of Malaysia’s formation, Pete Teo released the video "Hari Malaysia", a tribute to national unity featuring many public figures and prominent personalities. Razaleigh appears seated next to Lim Kit Siang, another influential political figure, within the historic Merdeka Stadium. His presence in both projects underscores his lasting relevance and his role as a symbol of unity in Malaysia’s political and cultural landscape.

Personal life

[edit]

Razaleigh married his longtime friend, former Malaysia Airlines executive Yvonne Law, an ethnic Chinese, who changed her name to Noor Yvonne Abdullah after her conversion to Islam then.[7] While being out of the limelight and shying away from the public, she was married to him since 9 December 1993. She died on 5 June 2015 due to multiple myeloma, a blood cancer disease she had been suffering from for the previous year.[50][51]

Election results

[edit]
Kelantan State Legislative Assembly[52]
Year Constituency Candidate Votes Pct Opponent(s) Votes Pct Ballots cast Majority Turnout
1969 N30 Ulu Kelantan Barat Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 4,061 63.57% Hussin Abdullah (PAS) 2,327 36.43% N/A 1,734 N/A
Parliament of Malaysia[53][54][55][56][57][58][59][60][61][62]
Year Constituency Candidate Votes Pct Opponent(s) Votes Pct Ballots cast Majority Turnout
1974 P027 Ulu Kelantan, Kelantan Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) Unopposed
1978 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 10,267 64.28% Khaidir Khatib (PAS) 5,705 35.72% N/A 4,562 N/A
1982 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 15,573 61.35% Hassan Mat Saman (PAS) 9,810 38.65% 26,100 5,763 80.68%
1986 P029 Gua Musang, Kelantan Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 12,538 70.61% Wan Abdul Rahim Wan Abdullah (PAS) 5,219 29.39% 18,250 7,319 76.11%
1990 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (S46) 18,973 76.82% Wan Ismail Ibrahim (UMNO) 5,724 23.18% 25,172 13,249 81.03%
1995 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (S46) 13,716 74.33% Nik Ismail Wan Idris (AKIM) 4,736 25.67% 21,671 8,980 77.11%
1995 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (S46)1 13,144 61.02% Hussein Ahmad (UMNO) 8,398 38.98% 21,765 4,746 77.72%
1999 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 12,825 56.44% Razak Abas (PAS) 9,900 43.56% 23,176 2,925 77.54%
2004 P032 Gua Musang, Kelantan Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 13,570 66.06% Zulkefli Mohamad (PAS) 6,972 33.94% 21,076 6,598 80.64%
2008 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 14,063 59.10% Zulkefli Mohamad (PAS) 9,669 40.64% 24,283 4,394 83.77%
2013 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 21,367 62.14% Wan Abdul Rahim Wan Abdullah (PAS) 12,954 37.67% 35,097 8,413 87.36%
2018 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 19,426 48.64% Abdullah Hussein (PAS) 15,513 38.84% 41,206 3,913 78.45%
Mohd Nor Hussin (BERSATU) 4,997 12.51%
2022 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (UMNO) 21,663 44.78% Mohd Azizi Abu Naim (BERSATU) 21,826 45.12% 48,337 163 68.86%
Asharun Aji (PKR) 4,517 9.34%
Samsu Abdadi Mamat (PEJUANG) 371 0.77%

Note: 1 On 1 August 1995, the Kota Bharu High Court ordered a fresh election for the Gua Musang Parliamentary Seat after declaring the contest in the 8th General Election held in April the same year earlier null and void. Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah was the incumbent MP.[63]

Honours

[edit]

Honours of Malaysia

[edit]

Note: Both awards from Kelantan were rescinded on 2 December 2010. DK was reinstated some time in June 2018, but the status of the SPMK award is unknown.[70]

See also

[edit]

Notes and references

[edit]
  1. ^ British Business in Post-Colonial Malaysia, 1957-70 Neo-colonialism Or Disengagement?, Nicholas J. White, Page 78, Routledge
  2. ^ Malaysia’s foreign policy the first fifty years: Alignment neutralism Islamism 1957-70, Johan Saravanamuttu, Page 141, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
  3. ^ The Straits Times, 7 July 1975, Page 10, National Library, Singapore
  4. ^ Tengku Razaleigh, Rintangan Dan Cabaran, Alias Muhammad, Page 42, Gateway Publishing House
  5. ^ "President Carter's speech at the 33rd Annual Meetings of IBRD and IMF Board of Governors".
  6. ^ "ASIANOW - Asiaweek | Malaysia: The Leader in Waiting | 11/12/99". edition.cnn.com. Retrieved 18 October 2015.
  7. ^ a b c d Jonathan Sprague and Santha Oorjitham (12 November 1999). "The Leader in Waiting: Tengku Razaleigh could well be Mahathir Mohamad's heir apparent - if he can win his home state". CNN. Kota Bahru: Asiaweek ASIANOW VOL. 25 NO. 45. Retrieved 18 October 2015.
  8. ^ a b c Tan, Chee Khoon & Vasil, Raj (ed., 1984). Without Fear or Favour, p. 45. Eastern Universities Press. ISBN 967-908-051-X.
  9. ^ "Pulang Dari England Kerana Ayah Sakit". Berita Harian (in Malay). Singapore: Straits Times Singapore. 22 February 1962. p. 5.
  10. ^ The Straits Times 5 May 1965 page 18, National Library, Singapore
  11. ^ The Straits Times 1 October 1965 page 1, National Library, Singapore
  12. ^ The Developing Economies, Malaysia's Localization Policy and its impact of British owned Enterprises, Page 374, Institute of Developing Economies, Japan
  13. ^ The Political Economy of Malaysia's Trade Relation with China, John Wong, Page 9, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
  14. ^ Searle, Peter (1 November 1998). The Riddle Of Malaysian Capitalism. ASAA SOUTHEAST ASIA PUBLICATIONS SERIES. p. 104.
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Other references

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