Gale W. McGee

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Gale W. McGee
United States Senator from Wyoming
In office January 3, 1959 – January 3, 1977
Preceded by	Frank A. Barrett
Succeeded by	Malcolm Wallop
9th United States Ambassador to the Organization of American States
In office March 30, 1977 – July 1, 1981
President	Jimmy Carter Ronald Reagan
Preceded by	William S. Mailliard
Succeeded by	J. William Middendorf
Personal details
Born	Gale William McGee (1915-03-17)March 17, 1915 Lincoln, Nebraska, U.S.
Died	April 9, 1992(1992-04-09) (aged 77) Washington, D.C., U.S.
Resting place	Oak Hill Cemetery Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political party	Democratic
Spouse	Loraine Baker McGee ​ (m. 1939)​
Children	4
Education	State Teachers College (BA) University of Colorado (MA) University of Chicago (PhD)

Gale William McGee (March 17, 1915 – April 9, 1992) was a United States senator of the Democratic Party, and United States ambassador to the Organization of American States (OAS).^[1] He represented Wyoming in the United States Senate from 1959 until 1977. To date, he remains the last Democrat to have represented Wyoming in the U.S. Senate.

McGee was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, on March 17, 1915. He attended public schools, and had planned to study law in college, but was forced by the Great Depression to attend the State Teachers College in Wayne, Nebraska, instead. He graduated from the Teachers College in 1936, and worked as a high school teacher while studying for a master's degree in history at the University of Colorado. He continued as a college instructor at Nebraska Wesleyan University, Iowa State College, and Notre Dame. In 1946, McGee received his Ph.D. in history from the University of Chicago.^[2]

Shortly after he received his Ph.D., McGee accepted a position as a professor of American history at the University of Wyoming. Soon after, he founded and served as chair of the university's Institute of International Affairs, which brought national dignitaries every summer through a Carnegie Foundation grant. Twenty-one teachers from Wyoming high schools were selected each summer to participate. For the next 12 years, the Institute brought international foreign policy thinkers such as Eleanor Roosevelt, Hans Morgenthau, and Henry Kissinger.^[2]

In 1947, University of Wyoming trustees, influenced by concerns raised at a Michigan conference, initiated a "Red Scare" textbook review,^[3] suspecting subversive content in school libraries. UW President George Duke Humphrey assembled a faculty panel. Professor McGee, lacking tenure, openly criticized the board's action as a threat to academic freedom and faced attempts by a board member to dismiss him. Ultimately, trustees Milward Simpson and Tracy McCraken opposed McGee's firing, advocating for free expression. The review found no un-American content, ending the controversy, though McGee endured social backlash and accusations of communism.^[4][5][6]

Active in Democratic Party politics, McGee was asked to run for the United States Congress in 1950,^[7] but declined, saying he wanted to get more in touch with Wyoming and its people.^[8]

In 1952, McGee's journey toward internationalism was profoundly shaped when he took a one-year leave of absence from the University of Wyoming to serve as a Carnegie Research Fellow in New York with the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).^[9] This period was particularly significant due to Stalin's death, prompting McGee to reassess strategies regarding Soviet intentions. During his fellowship, he interacted with influential figures such as Allen Dulles, John Foster Dulles, Dean Rusk, and John J. McCloy, which deepened his understanding of foreign policy. Additionally, his connections with prominent leaders like Richard Nixon, Adlai Stevenson II, Cyrus Vance and Henry Kissinger further shaped his views on international relations and domestic politics.^[2]

In 1955, McGee took a leave of absence to work as a legislative assistant for Senator Joseph C. O'Mahoney in Washington, DC.^[10] This opportunity allowed him to conduct research on legislative issues and gauge his interest in a political career. O'Mahoney, who had connections to Senators Lyndon Johnson and John F. Kennedy, particularly in Wyoming's oil industry, recognized McGee's potential and brought him onto his staff. McGee also made connections with Sens. William Fulbright, Russell Long, and John Stennis. The relationship with Stennis helped McGee navigate his relationship with University President Humphrey, who knew Stennis when Humphrey lead the Mississippi State University.^[11][12]

In 1958, McGee took a leave of absence from the university to make his bid for the U.S. Senate, challenging incumbent Frank A. Barrett. He ran on a program of youth and new ideas. The race between McGee and Barrett attracted the attention of national party leaders on both sides. Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson of Texas, Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon, Senator-elect Edmund Muskie of Maine, Congressman Joseph M. Montoya of New Mexico, and former President Harry S. Truman came to the state to support McGee, whose campaign slogan was "McGee for Me!".^[13] Lyndon Johnson pledged that, if Wyoming sent McGee to Washington, he would appoint him to the prestigious Appropriations Committee.^[2] Eleanor Roosevelt even conducted a national fund-raising drive for him.^[14] Barrett received assistance from national leaders as well, including Vice President Richard Nixon. McGee ultimately defeated Barrett by a margin of 1,913 votes out of a total of 116,230 votes cast in the election.^[13]

He won the majority of the votes in seven of the 23 counties. These were the southern "Union Pacific" counties (Albany, Carbon, Laramie, Sweetwater, Uinta) Platte, just north of Cheyenne, and Sheridan in the north. McGee won the endorsement of the Wyoming AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education (COPE) and the labor vote played an important part in the election.^[13]

While McGee supported free trade, he admitted to drawing the line on meat and oil imports due to the significance these issues held for his constituents. After reflecting on his first couple of years in office, McGee decided to prioritize votes on water policy, livestock, and gas and oil. He believed that supporting these issues symbolized his commitment to the everyday concerns of constituents, such as gas station owners and ranchers, allowing him to pursue broader liberal goals in both domestic and foreign policy.^[15]

During McGee's 1958 Senate campaign, he received a crucial endorsement from Lyndon B. Johnson, then the Senate Majority Leader. Johnson, in a meeting with influential oil industry leaders in Casper, Wyoming, pledged to secure McGee a position on the powerful Appropriations Committee.^[16] Johnson kept his promise and McGee was appointed to the committee after he was sworn in for his first term.^[17] From 1971 to 1976, McGee served as Chairman of Agriculture-Environmental and Consumer Protection Appropriations Subcommittee.^[18] He was able to direct federal funding to numerous Wyoming-based projects including: $499 million (in 2024 dollars) for Yellowtail Dam $350 million (in 2024 dollars) for Flaming Gorge Dam and [[Flaming Gorge National Recreation Area ]] $225 million (in 2024 dollars) for the Seedskadee Project in western Wyoming. $50 million (in 2024 dollars) for the United States Post Office and Federal Building in Casper, Wyoming. $48 million (in 2024 dollars) for the United States Post Office and Federal Building in Cheyenne, Wyoming.

In 1976, Congress passed the Federal Land Policy and Management Act (FLPMA), which included an amendment to the 1920 Mineral Leasing Act, increasing federal mineral royalties for states. This change directed 50% of mineral revenues from federal lands back to the states, benefiting energy-rich regions like Wyoming.^[19] McGee's efforts in the Senate^{[20][21][22][23][24]} were pivotal in advancing the legislation, alongside his collaboration with Teno Roncalio and Cliff Hansen.^[25] The FLPMA and its amendments marked a critical shift in federal land management and mineral leasing, contributing to significant economic gains for western states dependent on energy resources.^[26]

McGee consistently emphasized the importance of supporting the Wyoming's oil and gas industries for national security, economic stability, and energy independence. He warned that rising oil imports and foreign competition threatened domestic producers, urging long-term polices to sustain independent oil companies and mitigate dependence on foreign oil.^[27][28][29] McGee staunchly defense the oil depletion allowance, arguing it incentivized exploration in high-risk regions like Wyoming and safeguarded the industry's competitiveness against global rivals.^[30][31][32] He opposed reducing the allowance during debates on the Revenue Act of 1964 and the 1969 Tax reform Act, emphasizing its importance to Wyoming's small operators and wildcatters.^[33][31] McGee promoted Wyoming pivotal role in energy production, underscoring the states contributions to national energy needs through technological advancement and resource development, including oil shale and coal-derived fuels.^[29][34][32] He advocated for innovative practices like using petroleum based-mulch to address agricultural challenges in arid regions like Wyoming.^[28]

He also supported legislation to improve oil import quotas, addressing inequities harming Wyoming's small refineries.^[35]

In 1963, Senator McGee expressed concerns over falling cattle prices and rising food costs, which he believed were driven by national grocery chains monopolizing the market to the detriment of Western communities.^[36] He proposed legislation to empower the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to investigate potential antitrust violations by large chains.^[37] Senate hearings revealed intimidating tactics used by these stores.^[38]

While President Johnson supported the initiative, he favored a bipartisan commission to study the food industry.^[39] The final 1966 report did not directly address antitrust violations but recommended greater scrutiny of mergers and empowering farmers through Agricultural Marketing Boards.

McGee was a strong advocate for the American lamb and wool industry, vital to Wyoming's economy. He championed import quotas, tariffs,^[40] and the National Wool Act to protect domestic producers.^[41] In 1969, McGee met with wool industry leaders, supporting their idea for a commemorative stamp marking 450 years since sheep were introduced to North America. He successfully secured its issuance in 1970 and attended its unveiling in Rawlins with Wyoming leaders and Deputy Postmaster General Ted Klassen.^[42]

McGee supported most Cabinet and sub-cabinet nominees during all five Presidential Administrations. He focused on qualifications, experience and alignment with national interests. He actively supported Wyoming Governor Stan Hathaway, a Republican, as President Ford's U.S. Secretary of the Interior.^[43]

McGee praised the Supreme Court nominations of Thurgood Marshall^[44] and Abe Fortas.^[45] However, he opposed Clement Haynsworth's nomination due to concerns about his civil rights record^[46] and George Carswell's nomination due past public statements espousing the principles of white supremacy.^[47]

In 1958, President Dwight D. Eisenhower nominated Lewis Strauss to serve as Secretary of Commerce. Previously, Strauss had served in numerous government positions in the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. At the time, the 13 previous nominees for this Cabinet position won Senate confirmation in an average of eight days.^[48]

During the Senate Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee hearings on the nomination, McGee raised concerns about the transparency of Admiral Strauss's testimony and his willingness to be candid with the committee. He also questioned Strauss's role in the Dixon–Yates contract, his relationship with banker Adolphe Wenzell and his calls to the United States Atomic Energy Commission about Argonne National Laboratory physicist David R. Inglis. McGee raised similar concerns about Secretary Strauss's involvement in a case involving Philadelphia Electric Co. and General Dynamics, as well as the accuracy of a statement attributed to him in the committee hearing report. After 16 days of hearings the committee recommended Strauss' confirmation to the full Senate by a vote of 9-8 – McGee was one of the eight opposed to the nomination.

In the 2023 film Oppenheimer McGee was portrayed by Harry Groener during the committee hearing scenes.

When the nomination was brought to the Senate floor for debate, McGee, over several days, urged his colleagues to reject Strauss's nomination. He argued that Strauss was not trustworthy and that his confirmation would set a dangerous precedent. He accused Strauss of attempting to deceive the committee during the hearings and cited several examples of Strauss's misleading testimony. McGee argued that Strauss's pattern of deception made him unfit to hold such a high-ranking position in the government. McGee also raised concerns about Strauss's views on executive privilege and the separation of powers. He believed that Strauss's views were dangerous and that his confirmation would undermine the Senate's ability to check the executive branch.^[48]

On June 19, 1959, just after midnight, the Strauss nomination failed by a vote 46–49. At the time, It marked only the eighth time in U.S. history that a Cabinet appointee had failed to be confirmed.^[49]

In 1961, Senator McGee began calling for a mandated August recess for Congress.^[50] It was not until 1969 that his idea gained enough support amongst his colleagues that they gave it a test run - the Senate recessed from August 13 to September 3.^[51] Finally, on August 6, 1971, as mandated by the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970, the Senate began its first official August recess.^[52]

Shortly after McGee was sworn into the Senate in 1959, Northern Liberal Democrats sought to change Rule 22 of the Senate, which governs the filibuster. The Southern bloc of Senators opposed to Civil Rights used the filibuster to block progress and Democrats wanted to lower the voting threshold needed to end debate. Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, recognizing the deep divisions on the issue, proposed a compromise. This compromise maintained the two-thirds majority requirement for cloture but introduced some modifications intended to streamline the process. McGee ultimately voted in favor of Johnson's compromise.^[53][54] He defended his stance, arguing that the compromise was necessary to protect the interests of smaller states, which he believed could be disproportionately affected by a simple majority rule.^[55] While his initial stance on Rule 22 disappointed many, his subsequent actions and positions would demonstrate a growing commitment to civil rights and social justice.

The advent of television brought the brutality of segregation into the living rooms of Americans, and McGee was deeply affected by the images of violence and injustice. His service on the Senate Commerce Committee provided him with a unique vantage point to understand the pervasive nature of discrimination.^[56] Through committee hearings, he heard testimonies from individuals who had experienced the devastating effects of segregation and prejudice.^[57] McGee became an active participant in the legislative process of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.^[58] Despite facing backlash from constituents, McGee voted in favor of cloture, playing a crucial role in breaking the deadlock and enabling the bill's passage.^[59][60] In 1965, McGee was particularly moved by the brutal attack on Wyoming-born Reverend James Reeb, a white minister participating in the Selma to Montgomery marches actions in Selma, Alabama. After Reeb's death, McGee honored him on the Senate floor, highlighting his bravery and calling for national accountability.^[61] McGee introduced early hate-crimes legislation and became a strong advocate for the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which he helped pass.^[62]

During his three terms, McGee led or supported numerous environmental and conservation bills that became law which set national standards and preserved and/or expanded public lands and landmarks including The Fort Laramie National Historic Site,^{[63][64][65][66][67]} The Wilderness Act,^[68][69] establishment of the Fossil Butte National Monument,^[70] establishment of the Flaming Gorge National Recreation Area,^[71] the Highway Beautification Act, the National Wildlife Refuge System Administration Act of 1966, Incorporating the South Absaroka Wilderness into the Washakie Wilderness, Shoshone National Forest, the Environmental Quality Improvement Act,^[72] and the Endangered Species Act^[73]

In the early 1970s, McGee became a vocal conservation advocate after witnessing the environmental devastation of clearcutting in Wyoming's Bridger National Forest. Shocked by the barren landscapes,^[74] McGee began questioning clearcutting practices,^[75] which timber companies claimed were beneficial for forest health.^[76][77] With support from conservation organizations like the Sierra Club and guidance from his adviser Mike Leon, McGee proposed a moratorium to assess clearcutting's impact, arguing it was a damaging shortcut subsidizing the timber industry. Timber companies pushed back,^[78] and Agriculture Secretary Earl Butz dismissed McGee's proposal.^[79] Despite setbacks,^[80] McGee's persistence led to groundbreaking research, which ultimately proved that clearcutting was ecologically unnecessary. Studies from the Forest Service and Crown Zellerbach Corporation^[81] confirmed that selective cutting could preserve ecosystems, validating McGee's efforts.^[82]

In his third Senate term, McGee gave up the gavel of the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee to become Chairman of Agriculture, Environmental and Consumer Protection Appropriations Subcommittee. He would remain chairman of that subcommittee until he left the Senate. At an August 1971 hearing held by McGee's subcommittee, a Wyoming helicopter pilot testified that sheep ranchers paid him to fly near eagles which they killed with shotguns. About 500 bald eagles were destroyed in this manner, the pilot said. The Wyoming Woolgrowers Association had claimed that 8,000 lambs were lost to eagles annually, and the group's president declared he had seen eagles kill grown sheep and antelope. Conservationists disputed the figures and said that eagles seldom touched lambs unless they were already dead. A University of Montana study of prey items collected from 40 golden eagle nests over a three-year period found evidence of only one dead lamb and one dead sheep, with no proof they had been killed by eagles. In October 1972, Congress approved legislation strengthening the penalties imposed for violations of Bald Eagle Protection Act of 1940.^[83]

In the 1970s, Wyoming experienced a coal boom, with production tripling between 1970 and 1975.^[84] This growth, fueled by coal, uranium, and trona mining, led to significant population influxes and strain on local resources, as workers flooded the state for jobs. Housing was scarce, schools were overcrowded, and social services struggled to meet demand.^[85] Rising crime, domestic violence, and environmental concerns exacerbated the situation. Community leaders felt helpless, and the term "National Sacrifice Area" was coined to describe regions devastated by mining. In response, McGee pushed for legislation,^[86] including the Surface Mining and Reclamation Act, to balance the needs of rural areas and urban energy demands. Despite a veto from President Ford in 1974^[87] and a failed compromise, McGee continued fighting for environmental protections.^[88]

In the 1970s, El Paso Natural Gas Company proposed detonating underground nuclear bombs in Sublette County, Wyoming, as part of Project Wagon Wheel.^[89] This project, backed by the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission under its "Project Plowshare" program, aimed to use nuclear explosions to free natural gas from deep rock formations, similar to hydraulic fracturing but without chemicals. Critics warned of potential earthquakes and environmental damage, especially to the Yellowstone region. After local opposition grew,^[90][91] McGee supported the community's efforts, demanding a thorough review of the environmental risks.^[92] His intervention, along with grassroots activism, led to a halt of the project.^[93] In 1974, McGee succeeded in securing a ban on federal funding for nuclear-based oil and gas recovery,^[94] effectively ending Project Wagon Wheel.^[95]

McGee consistently opposed gun control measures that he believed unfairly burdened responsible gun owners without effectively addressing crime. He advocated for less restrictive federal regulations and emphasized state and local solutions. McGee's stance was particularly evident in his efforts to exempt .22 caliber rimfire ammunition from record-keeping requirements, arguing that such regulations were unnecessary and burdensome for sportsmen and small businesses.^[96][97] He supported amendments to the Gun Control Act of 1968 that aimed to streamline regulations and protect the interests of law-abiding gun owners. Additionally, McGee opposed granting the Consumer Product Safety Commission authority to regulate ammunition and firearms, asserting that such power should remain with Congress.^[98]

Wyoming's largest concentration of Native Americans reside on the Wind River Reservation, established in 1868, spanning over 2.2 million acres in west-central Wyoming. The reservation is home to two federally recognized tribes: the Eastern Shoshone and the Northern Arapaho. McGee actively advocated for Native American self-determination, focusing on empowering tribes to control their futures. He worked to establish the St. Stephens Indian School on the Wind River Reservation. McGee, a co-sponsor of the 1972 Indian Self-Determination Act, criticized the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) for its paternalistic approach, which stifled cultural identity, personal initiative, and community development. He called for a reexamination of federal-tribal relations and BIA reorganization to better serve Tribal needs.^[99]

McGee was supportive of organized labor and viewed right to work laws as detrimental to unions and collective bargaining power.^[100] One of McGee's bases of political support was the Wyoming AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education (COPE) which was influential in southern "Union Pacific" counties (Albany, Carbon, Laramie, Sweetwater, Uinta)^[13]

In summer 1963, a potential railroad strike threatened Wyoming and the U.S. economy, with 4,000 Wyoming rail workers at risk of unemployment.^[101] Fearing severe national repercussions, Senate Commerce Committee Chairman Warren Magnuson and President Kennedy sought solutions.^[102] Kennedy's proposals, including mediation by Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg and submission to the Interstate Commerce Commission, were rejected by the railroad unions, who opposed potential compulsory arbitration.^[103] As the strike deadline approached, McGee, positioned on the Commerce Committee, brokered a compromise.^[104] McGee's amendment limited arbitration to core issues while preserving collective bargaining, avoiding a strike and setting no precedent for compulsory arbitration. The Senate adopted McGee's solution 75–17,^{[105][106][107][108][109]} with columnist Holmes Alexander later hailing McGee as a "rail hero."^[110] McGee continued to support the right to strike and compulsory arbitration in subsequent labor strikes.

In March 1970, thousands of postal workers across the U.S. went on strike to protest a modest 4.1% raise from Congress, which had granted itself a 41% increase.^[111] Despite warnings from McGee,^[112] the newly appointed Chairman of the Senate Post Office and Civil Service Committee, the strike spread nationwide, halting mail delivery and causing significant disruption.^[113] McGee criticized President Nixon for blocking a larger wage increase, calling it "cruelly unfair."^[114] Nixon activated the National Guard^[115] to manage mail delivery, but soon initiated talks with union leaders, resulting in a 14% wage increase and postal reform. McGee, instrumental in the negotiation, also secured the creation of a commission to set postal rates.^[116] Notably, the strike prompted Nixon to install the Oval Office taping system for accurate record-keeping—ultimately a key factor in his downfall during Watergate.^[117]

In 1969, McGee became chairman of the Post Office and Civil Service Committee. McGee introduced several Civil Service bills aimed at addressing various aspects of federal employee compensation and retirement benefits. He advocated for legislation to allow federal agencies to cover expenses related to recruiting prospective employees,^[118] extend pay rate preservation for certain postal workers, provide additional supergrades in the civil service, and revise the civil service retirement system.^[119] McGee also played a role in negotiating and advancing bills concerning salary increases for federal officials, including the Vice President and Speaker of the House.^[120][121] During Congressional consideration of the Economic Stabilization Act, Title II of Pub. L. 91–379, 84 Stat. 799 He emphasized the importance of fair and equitable treatment for federal workers, addressing issues such as inflation, pension benefits, and salary adjustments.^{[122][123][124]} McGee supported measures to establish a Federal employee pay comparability system, aiming to align salaries with private sector wages while retaining Congress's authority over adjustments.^[125]

McGee introduced the Public Employee Merit System and Representation Act (S. 647) to improve labor relations for public employees. The bill aimed to address the needs of public sector workers and amend the Hatch Act, allowing federal employees limited political activity while maintaining restrictions on candidacy.^[82]

When William B. Saxbe was appointed Attorney General by President Nixon in 1973, McGee, as chairman of the committee, was directly involved in the solution to address the "emoluments clause", which prohibits federal officials from receiving a higher salary than what they earned when assuming office.^{[126][127][128]} To avoid this, the salary for the Attorney General position was reduced to that of a senator, allowing Saxbe to take office. The "Saxbe fix" became a precedent for addressing salary conflicts in future Cabinet appointments.

McGee was also directly involved in the passage of the Postal Reorganization Act which was influenced by the U.S. postal strike of 1970, the largest wildcat strike in history. The Act abolished the then United States Post Office Department, which was a part of the cabinet, and created the United States Postal Service, a corporation-like independent agency with an official monopoly on the delivery of mail in the United States.

In 1972, McGee introduced S. 352 to allow voter registration by mail in federal elections, managed by a new Voter Registration Administration under the U.S. Census Bureau. Postcard registration forms would be mailed to all residences and returned 30 days before elections. McGee argued existing methods discouraged voting, noting 62 million eligible Americans did not vote in 1972. Critics opposed the bill, citing costs, potential fraud, and threats to the two-party system. The Nixon administration also opposed it.

The bill faced a four-week filibuster in 1973 but ultimately achieved cloture on May 9 by a single vote, 67–32, following failed attempts on April 30 and May 3. Several senators switched their stance, enabling final passage in the Senate by 57–32. Despite Senate approval, the legislation failed as the House took no action.^[129][130]

During the 1960 Democratic presidential campaign, McGee played a pivotal role in securing John F. Kennedy's nomination. Initially favoring Lyndon Johnson, McGee's neutrality allowed Wyoming's delegation to maintain independence amidst intense lobbying from both Johnson and Kennedy. Despite Johnson's promise to appoint McGee to the powerful Appropriations Committee, McGee prioritized delegate autonomy, frustrating Johnson's efforts to impose the unit rule.^[8]

At the 1960 Democratic National Convention, McGee, as Wyoming's delegation chairman, swayed all 15 delegates to support Kennedy. This critical decision secured Kennedy the nomination on the first ballot, elevating Wyoming's influence in the campaign.^[131][132]

Kennedy initially planned to bypass Wyoming in the general election due to its low electoral vote count, but McGee and Party Chairman Tracy McCraken convinced him otherwise. During a visit to Cheyenne on September 23, 1960, Kennedy acknowledged Wyoming's instrumental role in his nomination and demonstrated his understanding of the state's concerns, such as natural resource development. This visit reinforced Kennedy's connections with Wyoming leaders.^{[133][134][135]}

Despite their efforts, Kennedy lost Wyoming in the general election, with the state's three electoral votes going to Richard Nixon.^[8]

As Bircher influence grew in Wyoming in the 1960s, McGee emerged as a prominent national figure challenging the John Birch Society. The media, impressed by his speeches, began scrutinizing Founder Robert Welch and his tactics. McGee's appearance on a combative talk show, "Open End," further fueled the debate.^[136] He criticized the JBS founder on the Senate floor and warned about their infiltration into communities.

Bircher followers disrupted events, and the society advertised aggressively in Wyoming, dominating local radio.^[137] McGee actively engaged in debates with Birchers, intentionally putting himself in their crosshairs. Despite facing threats and violence, he continued his fight against right-wing extremism.

McGee cautioned President Kennedy not to deal with the extremists prematurely, believing it could be a winning issue for 1964. He warned about the appeal of the extreme right-wing ideology to the population in the West.^[138]

McGee recognized the need for standardized timekeeping and introduced a bill, the Uniform Time Act, to address this issue. He highlighted the problems caused by the existing system, such as missed appointments, disrupted schedules, and increased costs for businesses.^[139] There was a patchwork of different time zones and daylight saving time schedules, causing confusion and inconvenience for businesses, travelers, and the general public. The Act aimed to simplify timekeeping by establishing uniform daylight saving time dates and standardizing time zones across the country. President Johnson signed the bill into law on April 13, 1966^[140]

McGee's response to the Watergate scandal was initially characterized by a cautious and measured approach. He refrained from making hasty judgments and emphasized the importance of preserving the integrity of the Office of the President.^[141][142] He avoided partisan attacks and urged others to do the same.^[143][144] However, as the scandal unfolded and evidence mounted against President Nixon, McGee's stance gradually shifted. The release of the Watergate tapes and transcripts played a crucial role in this evolution.^[145] McGee was deeply troubled by the content of the tapes, which revealed Nixon's involvement in the cover-up. He expressed his disappointment and called for Nixon to address the judgment of history. While initially hesitant to call for Nixon's resignation,^[146] McGee eventually concluded that it was inevitable. He acknowledged the President's confession^[147] and recognized the gravity of the situation.^[148] Nixon would resign on August 8, 1974.

McGee was a strong anti-communist and his view of U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War was through the lens of the Domino Theory. This theory, prevalent at the time, posited that the fall of one country to communism would lead to a chain reaction in neighboring countries. McGee's doctoral dissertation, "The Founding Fathers and Entangling Alliances" argued for international engagement to maintain a balance of power.^[149]

McGee believed that the U.S. had an obligation to engage in world politics, and that included providing foreign aid. He was a strong advocate for programs like the Peace Corps and the Alliance for Progress. He also played a key role in the development and implementation of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID).McGee's 1963 report on USAID acknowledged the agency's challenges, including inefficiencies stemming from rapid expansion and decentralization. He criticized the focus on technical assistance over loan programs and Food for Peace. While recognizing USAID's achievements, McGee emphasized the need for better evaluation and recipient country contributions to local costs. The report underscored the importance of foreign aid for American interests and global stability, despite ongoing criticisms. McGee believed that foreign aid was essential for promoting peace and stability in the world. However, he also believed that foreign aid programs needed to be carefully evaluated to ensure that they were effective.^[149]

He served on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1967 and reappointed in 1969 were he remained until his defeat for re-election in 1976. He also served as Chairman of the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee from 1969 to 1970.^[150]

McGee advocated for increased U.S. engagement in African affairs, emphasizing the importance of understanding the diverse political landscapes and challenges facing different regions. McGee also believed in supporting African self-determination and independence movements. During his tenure on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, McGee served as Chairman of the African Affairs Subcommittee from 1969 to 1972.^[151][152] McGee served as Chairman of the 1971 Anglo-American Conference on Africa in Teton Village Wyoming.

In November 1960, McGee joined a delegation of senators and President-elect Kennedy's brother, Ted Kennedy, on a trip to Africa to witness the challenges of independence and the Cold War's influence on the continent. From a cafe in the Congo, McGee witnessed the arrest of Patrice Lumumba^[153][154] In 1961, McGee proposed a solution to the Congo Crisis, emphasizing strengthening the UN forces, establishing a legitimate government, returning Belgian technicians, and adopting a pro-African policy.^[155][156]

McGee believed in the importance of a united Nigeria. He advocated for Nigerian unity during a visit in the early 1960s when civil war was looming. He argued for the importance of national unity over tribal divisions, believing it was vital for Nigeria's stability. He disagreed with those who supported Biafran independence, emphasizing the need for a unified nation. McGee's stance on Nigeria reflected his broader views on African nations, prioritizing stability and unity over the fragmentation of states along tribal lines.^[157]

In the 1970s, McGee led efforts to repeal the Byrd Amendment, which allowed the U.S. to violate UN sanctions by importing Rhodesian chromite. He believed that continued violation of sanctions would jeopardize U.S. economic relations with black African nations, potentially leading to the loss of access to vital natural resources and export markets.^[99][158] He criticized the U.S. government and businesses for prioritizing short-term economic gains over long-term strategic interests in Africa.^[159] In 1977, after McGee had been defeated for re-election, President Jimmy Carter signed into law a resolution to reestablish the embargo against the purchase of chrome from Rhodesia.^[160]

McGee's views on China evolved over time. As early as 1954, then Professor McGee emphasized the necessity of reassessing and redefining the United States' policy towards China. He highlighted the potential economic consequences of a continued trade embargo with China, including the possibility of China redirecting its trade towards the Soviet bloc and away from the United States. McGee argued that a re-evaluation of the U.S. position is essential for national security and to strengthen the U.S. position in the world.^[161] This position continued into his first term in the Senate.^[162][163] While concerned about China's economic warfare,^[164] he advocated for dialogue and engagement.

As the Vietnam War progressed, McGee adopted a firmer stance, proposing ultimatums and advocated for a strong US presence in southeast Asia to counter China's influence.^{[165][166][167][168][169]}

Into the 1970s, McGee continued to emphasize limiting China's expansion while recognizing the need for negotiations and a balance of power in Asia.^[170][171] He remained wary of China's intentions but did not consider it a great power.^[172]

In July 1973, He was a member of the second Congressional delegation to visit China since Nixon had thawed Sino-American relations with his historic trip in February 1972. McGee faced challenging diplomatic moments, especially as the group had to discuss ongoing U.S. bombing in Cambodia with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The delegation, led by a disgruntled Senator Warren Magnuson, created tension; Magnuson complained about diplomatic protocol and criticized U.S. policies in front of Zhou. In a one-on-one conversation, Zhou affirmed McGee's belief in the domino theory, suggesting that U.S. intervention in Southeast Asia had prevented Chinese expansion, validating McGee's support of the Vietnam War.^[173][174]

McGee believed US aid to India was critical to maintaining stability in the region. In 1959, McGee met with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to discuss the ongoing border dispute with China, economic development, and population growth^[175] During another visit in 1966, McGee met with Prime Minister Indira Ghandi to discuss US food aid, and witnessed US grain shipments being delivered while in Calcutta.^[176]

In 1968, North Korea captured the USS Pueblo (AGER-2), a U.S. Navy intelligence ship, resulting in the crew's imprisonment and a major Cold War diplomatic crisis. McGee believed that a measured and rational response was necessary in the USS Pueblo incident.^[177] He cautioned against hasty military action and emphasized the importance of diplomatic efforts to secure the release of the crew.^[178] He was concerned about the potential consequences of military escalation and the need to prioritize the safety and well-being of the crew members.^[179]

McGee consistently supported U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, emphasizing the necessity of preventing communist expansion in Southeast Asia. He advocated for a strong military presence, supported escalating U.S. involvement, and was skeptical of immediate withdrawal or negotiations without a position of strength. McGee believed the war was part of a broader Cold War struggle and supported the domino theory, fearing that U.S. retreat would lead to the fall of neighboring countries to communism. Although he backed peace talks, he remained cautious about their effectiveness and stressed the importance of a negotiated settlement that ensured regional stability.

As the war dragged on, McGee expressed cautious optimism about the ongoing peace negotiations, though he opposed immediate funding cuts that could disrupt the process. He supported Vietnamization, transferring responsibility to South Vietnam, and continued military aid to the region. After the Peace Agreement was signed, he still supported actions that would help facilitate peace and prevent a complete collapse in Southeast Asia.

McGee first visited Vietnam in December 1959 with Senator Albert Gore Sr., touring northern jungles and the Mekong River Delta.

They met with President Ngo Dinh Diem and other leaders, as well as farmers and refugees.^{[180][181][182][183][184][185][186][187]} In February 1960, McGee addressed the Senate, highlighting Vietnam's strategic importance and the challenges faced by the South Vietnamese government, defending President Diem's progress, especially in resettlement efforts.^[188][189]

In late 1962, he joined Senators Frank Church and Ted Moss on a Southeast Asia fact-finding trip. They visited several countries, including Vietnam, where they met with President Diem and examined Diem's Strategic Hamlet Program, acknowledging both its success and human rights concerns. Their report expressed concerns about Communist China's influence and the effectiveness of U.S. aid in Laos, but they were more optimistic about Vietnam's counter-guerilla efforts.^{[190][191][192][193]}

On August 2, 1964, The Gulf of Tonkin incident led to the escalation of the Vietnam War. Five days later The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution which authorized President Johnson to use military force in Vietnam was approved by the Senate, including McGee.^{[194][195][196]}

In February 1965, McGee and Senators George McGovern, and Frank Church debated the Vietnam War in the Senate. McGee defended U.S. involvement, warning of Communist expansion in Asia, while Church and McGovern called for negotiations, questioning the war's feasibility. McGee supported the "domino theory" and a hardline approach, earning President Johnson's gratitude. The debate attracted major media attention, with McGee arguing the war was vital to U.S. security and McGovern viewing it as a civil war that required negotiation.^{[197][198][199][200][201]}

On March 8, 1965, McGee and McGovern debated on CBS, cementing their roles as "hawks" and "doves." McGee backed escalation for meaningful negotiations, while McGovern cautioned against military intervention.^{[202][203][204][205][206]}

Before his April 7, 1965 speech at Johns Hopkins University, President Johnson summoned Church, McGovern, and McGee for a meeting in the Oval Office.^[207] LBJ hoped to persuade Church to tone down his planned speech. McGee and McGovern were there because Johnson knew the two had been invited to be a part of a CBS News analysis of the speech immediately after it was televised.^{[208][209][210][211][212][213]} For the next several years, McGee and McGovern participated in campus Teach-ins around the country symbolizing divided views on the war.^{[214][215][216][217][218][219][220]}

By July 1965, McGee spoke about the significance of the Vietnam debate on college campuses, supporting dissent but criticizing FBI monitoring of protests. McGovern praised McGee's commitment to open dialogue.^{[221][222][223][224][225]}

In March 1966, As the Vietnam War escalated, Russell Long, who had grown disinterested in Foreign Relations, decided to leave the committee. Lyndon Johnson, aware of McGee's desire to join Foreign Relations, proposed a deal where McGee would take Long's seat while giving up his own seat on the Commerce Committee, which involved oil and gas issues. The Steering Committee approved this arrangement despite protests from other senators who had been waiting longer for a spot. Ultimately, McGee's strategic trade allowed him to join the Foreign Relations Committee.^{[226][227][228]}

A few days later President Johnson's request, McGee visited Vietnam with Undersecretary of State Cyrus Vance to assess the conflict.^[229][230]

Observing the war's intensity, including a hotel bombing and a Buddhist protest, McGee noted discontent among South Vietnamese allies. He reported optimism about military progress but predicted the war would likely end in reduced hostilities rather than decisive peace. In a private meeting, McGee advised Johnson to pressure South Vietnam to strengthen its forces and suggested increasing U.S. combat involvement to shorten the war.^{[231][232][233][234][235]}

In May 1966, McGee's strong support for the war put him at odds with Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman J. William Fulbright. During a heated exchange in a committee meeting, McGee rejected Fulbright's criticisms of U.S. military power and defended Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and Secretary of State Dean Rusk.^{[236][237][238]} McGee's vocal defense of the war drew the attention of President Johnson, with an adviser even suggesting McGee as a potential Secretary of State candidate.^[239]

On July 6, 1966, McGee delivered a speech at Oregon State University, addressing the rising influence of dissent in America, particularly on college campuses. He warned that the growing anti-Vietnam War protests could undermine freedom and stability, criticizing figures like Ronald Reagan for advocating investigations into campus protests.^{[240][241][242]}

At the end of 1966, McGee and Senator Ted Moss traveled over 30,000 miles through Asia to assess the political and military situation, particularly concerning China.^[243] McGee reported that while some nations criticized U.S. bombing in Vietnam, their main concern was China's intentions and the potential dangers of a U.S. withdrawal.^[244] Upon returning, McGee discovered he had been removed from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee by Fulbright, likely due to McGee's criticism of Fulbright's anti-war stance.^[219][245]

In February 1967, McGee debated the Vietnam War with Dr. Hans Morgenthau, his former University of Chicago professor. While they had once shared similar foreign policy views, Vietnam divided them. McGee defended U.S. involvement, arguing that as a WWII victor, the U.S. had a responsibility to maintain global stability, with "containment" as a substitute for direct conflict. Morgenthau, however, opposed the war, criticizing U.S. bombing and McGee's refusal to negotiate. Morgenthau argued the U.S. should disengage from Vietnam without compromising international credibility, advocating for a change in strategy.^{[246][219][247][248]}

In March 1967, Ramparts Magazine revealed links between the CIA and the National Student Association (NSA), raising concerns about CIA involvement in domestic issues. McGee defended the CIA's involvement in student groups. He argued that covert operations were necessary to compete with Soviet influence^[249] and that American youth groups could be effective ambassadors for the country.

In July 1968, Senator Gale McGee wrote The Responsibilities of World Power in response to Senator J. William Fulbright’s The Arrogance of Power.^[250][251] McGee's book defended U.S. involvement in Vietnam, arguing that the U.S. had to prevent Southeast Asia from falling under the control of another power, particularly China. He dismissed claims of government deception and stressed that maintaining U.S. credibility was vital.^{[252][253][254]} In August 1968, McGee also warned of potential violence at the 1968 Democratic National Convention,^[255] where delegates clashed over Vietnam. McGee opposed antiwar measures in the platform, supporting Johnson's policies, and led the opposition against them.^{[256][257][258][259]}

In January 1969, McGee returned to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, vacated by antiwar candidate Eugene McCarthy. McGee's reappointment reignited his political ambitions, and his first public statement expressed support for President Nixon's Vietnamization plan to gradually withdraw U.S. troops and shift responsibility to South Vietnam.^[260][261] While continuing to back the Vietnam War, McGee also advocated for respecting the rights of antiwar protesters, urging schools to take student activists seriously. However, he condemned the growing antiwar movement, warning it could lead to isolationism and radicalism. During Vietnam Moratorium Day in October 1969, McGee labeled the protests irresponsible.^{[262][263][264][265]}

In May 1970, Senator McGee became increasingly isolated on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as his Democratic colleagues turned against the Vietnam War.^[266] He initially defended Nixon's decision to invade Cambodia, urging patience,^{[267][268][269][270]} but the Kent State shooting, where National Guard troops killed four students during an anti-war protest, sparked widespread protests in Wyoming. The Wyoming New Democratic Coalition and Young Democrats called for Nixon's impeachment. McGee tried to calm the unrest, encouraging students to focus on voter registration.^[271] On the University of Wyoming campus, tensions over a "Kent State" flag led to a compromise, and a vote condemning the killings.^[272]

In 1971, following the New York Times' publication of the Pentagon Papers, McGee expressed concern that the release could harm U.S. credibility, strain alliances, and fuel adversarial propaganda, while also constituting a security breach.^[273] He acknowledged the study's historical value but cautioned against drawing conclusions based solely on its limited scope.^[274] Emphasizing the importance of transparency, McGee also stressed the need for responsible handling of classified information and objective analysis.^[275] He warned against emotional reactions influencing public opinion or policy decisions during crises, advocating for calm and reasoned evaluation.^[276][277]

McGee opposed the War Powers Resolution, arguing that the nation needed a modernization of decision-making processes rather than a solution based on outdated 1787 principles. He proposed forming a high-level panel to update foreign policy processes, with recommendations for Congress to adopt or reject, reflecting modern needs.^[82]

In January 1973, the Vietnam War officially ended with the signing of a peace agreement in Paris, but fighting between North and South Vietnam continued, and U.S. bombing of Cambodia persisted until Congress intervened. By this time, McGee had quietly distanced himself from President Nixon, frustrated with the ongoing war, especially in Cambodia. In early January, McGee reluctantly spoke on the Senate floor against his party's position to end war funding, though he was aware of the war's deceptive origins, such as the Gulf of Tonkin incident. Despite his disillusionment, McGee defended Nixon's role in winding down the war, but by the end of the month, Nixon declared the war over. McGee's speech marked his final defense of the war, and afterward, he vowed never to defend it again.^[278][279]

On April 14, 1975, McGee and members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee met with President Ford, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, Defense Secretary James Schlesinger regarding Vietnam in the Cabinet Room in White House.^[280] The meeting was called after President Ford requested $722 million in military aid to support South Vietnam against the North Vietnamese communists. This request came two years after the end of the U.S. combat mission in Vietnam. The committee members were concerned about the evacuation of American citizens and the possibility of a new war. They are also concerned about the amount of aid being requested by the President. The President assured the committee that his orders will be carried out and that he was committed to getting the Americans out safely. 2 weeks later, Saigon would fall.^[281]

Throughout his career, McGee strongly supported the goals and activities of international organizations such as the United Nations, NATO, and the World Bank to protect and promote U.S. interests around the world. In 1973, McGee introduced a resolution to a convention to explore an Atlantic Union between the US and North Atlantic Community.^[282]

He supported initiatives like the Antarctic Treaty,^[283][284] the Limited Test Ban Treaty,^{[285][286][287]} and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty,^[288][289] viewing them as crucial steps toward international stability.

McGee was a strong proponent of ratification of the Panama Canal Treaty. In 1974, McGee joined Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and Ellsworth Bunker in Panama City for the US and Panama to sign an agreement to begin negotiations on the Panama Canal Treaty.^[290][291] He would later introduce a Senate Concurrent Resolution endorsing the principles for the new treaty.^[292] Throughout 1975–76, he was one of the most vocal supporters for the treaty, giving numerous speeches in the Senate, speeches to outside groups, as well as publishing Op-Eds, emphasizing the importance of considering the economic, military, and political aspects of the canal, while dismissing emotional arguments and outdated rhetoric.^{[293][294][295][296][297][298][299]}

His public support would ultimately lead to his appointment as President Carter's OAS Ambassador and point person to push for ratification in the Senate.

Throughout his career, McGee was a strong advocate for the United Nations, defending its role in diplomacy and support for U.S. interests. He countered criticism - often from his own constituents - of the UN as ineffective,^[300] citing its success in various crises and emphasizing its importance for global peace and security.^{[301][302][303][304][305]} McGee supported funding the UN^[306] and negotiated a reduction in U.S. dues to ease the financial burden while advocating increased contributions to key programs like the UN Development Programme^[307]

In 1967, President Lyndon Johnson offered McGee the position of U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, suggesting it might lead to a future Secretary of State role. McGee ultimately declined, and Adlai Stevenson II was nominated.^[308] Later, in 1972, President Nixon appointed McGee to a Congressional Delegation at the UN General Assembly, where McGee's main objective was to secure a reduction of the U.S. annual dues from 31 percent to 25 percent. Working with Ambassador George H.W. Bush, McGee successfully gained support for the reduction from 80 nations.^[309][310]

McGee's interest in foreign affairs began during his studies at the University of Chicago, where he focused on Latin America under J. Fred Rippy and Hans Morgenthau. This foundation led to McGee's Ph.D. in international political affairs.^[2] McGee had extensive experience in the region, having visited every country in the hemisphere multiple times.^[2] During his tenure on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, McGee served as Chairman of the Western Hemisphere Affairs Subcommittee from 1973 to 1976.

The Alliance for Progress, an initiative launched by President John F. Kennedy in 1961 to promote economic cooperation and social reform in Latin America. It aimed to improve living standards, counter communism during the Cold War, and foster economic growth and strengthen ties with Latin America. The program proposed significant financial aid and investments in education, healthcare, and infrastructure.

McGee played a key role in advocating for and overseeing the Alliance for Progress. In November 1961, McGee, along with Senators Clair Engle, Ted Moss and Stephen Young, undertook a trip to South America to report on developments in the region for President Kennedy. The trip was significant in light of Kennedy's focus on Latin America, which aimed to strengthen U.S. relations in the region. McGee valued the opportunity to engage with the local realities and emphasized Moss's work ethic as beneficial to their efforts.^{[311][312][313][314][315][316]}

He emphasized the importance of this initiative and the urgency of implementing tangible reforms. While acknowledging the challenges and criticisms surrounding the program, McGee remained optimistic about its potential to bring positive change to the region.^[317] He stressed the importance of continued U.S. support and collaboration with Latin American countries to achieve the goals of the Alliance for Progress.^[318][319]

In 1973, McGee, as Chairman of the Western Hemisphere Affairs Subcommittee investigated the CIA's involvement in the 1973 Chilean coup d'état which overthrew Salvador Allende.^[320][321] Despite CIA denials, revelations of U.S. efforts to destabilize Chile emerged later, including Henry Kissinger’s approval of funds to undermine Allende.^[322] This led to skepticism about CIA actions and informed congressional reforms, including the Hughes-Ryan Amendment, mandating covert operations oversight.

In March 1960, U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower approved a CIA plan to train Cuban exiles to overthrow Fidel Castro’s government in Cuba. The resulting Bay of Pigs Invasion, under President Kennedy in April 1961, failed.^[323]

Shortly after, McGee expressed concerns in the Senate about Soviet support for revolutionary movements in the Americas and remained wary of communism's spread in Cuba. He advocated for supporting reform movements and cautioned against provocative rhetoric towards Cuba.^[324][325]

After a wave of airline hijackings by Cuban nationals in 1961, McGee advised distinguishing between minor incidents and serious threats to avoid an unnecessary conflict. He downplayed Castro's significance, referring to Castro as a "pipsqueak" urging against overreaction.^{[326][327][328][329]}

In May 1962, McGee, in a televised discussion, expressed skepticism about the threat posed by missile sites in Cuba.^[330][331] During a visit to Guantanamo Bay in September, he voiced confidence in the U.S. policy of "watchful waiting."^{[332][333][334]} In October 1962, Vice President Lyndon Johnson, during a visit to Casper to help Joe Hickey's re-election efforts,^[335] privately warned McGee to temper his public statements, given the escalating situation just before the Cuban Missile Crisis.^[336]

In the 1970s, McGee shifted toward advocating for normalized U.S.-Cuba relations, challenging embargoes and sanctions as ineffective. He criticized the U.S. policy that required Cuba to sever ties with the Soviet Union as a precondition for better relations, considering it unrealistic. As a congressional leader, McGee held subcommittee hearings and proposed repealing outdated resolutions, pushing for a more diplomatic, flexible approach to engage with Cuba.^{[337][338][339][340][341][342][343][344]}

McGee consistently expressed strong support for Israel throughout his Senate career. He frequently spoke to Israel Bonds events throughout the United States.^[345] His views emphasized Israel's right to security and the U.S.'s obligation to assist Israel in the face of regional threats.

In 1959, McGee and Sen. Gore met with Israeli Prime Minister Ben Gurion on the issue of Palestinian refugees. Senator Gore expressed optimism about progress on the refugee issue based on his talks in the region. Ben Gurion was skeptical of Nasser's sincerity but agreed to consider a separate solution to the refugee question.^[346]

In 1970, he endorsed the idea of providing Israel with military aid, especially during and after the War of Attrition, to ensure its defense against neighboring countries, aligning with proposals from figures like Averell Harriman.^[347]

In 1971, McGee led a CODEL to the Middle East, where he and other Senators met with Prime Minister Golda Meir regarding Egypt's peace proposals after the Six-Day War. Meir emphasized the need to distinguish between outward appearances and substance in Egypt's attitude while explaining Israel's position on the issue of withdrawal from occupied territories.^[348]

McGee also condemned acts of violence against Israelis, such as the 1972 Munich Olympics tragedy, which he labeled "moral depravity."^[349]

McGee remained steadfast in advocating for military aid and diplomatic support, as seen in his 1973 speeches supporting increased foreign assistance for Israel, including additional funding for peacekeeping and military support. He expressed concern over extremism, particularly from groups like the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and cautioned against policies that would compromise Israel's security. McGee also strongly criticized efforts at the U.N. to delegitimize Israel, notably opposing resolutions that condemned Zionism, seeing them as part of broader Arab efforts to undermine Israel's legitimacy.

In 1974, the Beth Jacob Teachers Training Institute in Jerusalem dedicated a wing in McGee's honor. ^[350][351]

In 1959, McGee proposed sending 12 million students abroad, arguing for cultural exchange over military presence.^[352] During his 1960 presidential campaign, Senator John F. Kennedy gave an impromptu speech at the University of Michigan, challenging students to serve their country by living and working in developing nations.^[353] After taking office, President Kennedy signed Executive Order 10924, officially creating the Peace Corps as a pilot program. He appointed his brother-in-law, Sargent Shriver, as its first director, tasking him with building the organization. McGee applauded Shriver's appointment^[354] and joined Sen. Hubert Humphrey as an original cosponsor of S. 2000, the bill to formally create the Peace Corps, which was signed into law in September 1961.^[355] McGee's unwavering belief in the Peace Corps' potential to foster positive change was reflected in his numerous speeches and remarks on the Senate floor.^[356][357] He consistently defended the program against criticism, underscoring its importance in promoting American values and ideals abroad.^[358]

By the time he arrived in the Senate, McGee was already well-versed in U.S. policy towards the Soviet Union. His fellowship at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) in the early 1950s solidified his expertise on Soviet Policy. He wrote a paper, "Prospect for a More Tolerable Co-existence with the Soviet Union," emphasized shifting Cold War focus from Europe to Southeast Asia.^[359] He argued for recognizing Chinese independence from the Soviet Union, a unique perspective at the time. Stalin's death in 1953 prompted him to call for a reevaluation of U.S. policy towards the Soviet Union ^[360]

In 1956, because of the connections he made during his CFR fellowship, McGee led a group of teachers on a trip to the Soviet Union;^[361] it was the first trip of its kind. It was a time when travel to the Soviet Union was not common, especially for non-diplomats. Notably, they gained access to a Volgograd Tractor Plant, an area off-limits to American officials, including Senator Henry "Scoop" Jackson who happened to be visiting the USSR at the same time. Upon his return, McGee and his wife shared their experiences through lectures and articles, generating significant interest among the Wyoming public. Despite initial concerns that the trip might negatively impact his political career, McGee found that the public's interest in the Soviet Union, heightened by the launch of Sputnik, made his experience a valuable asset.^[2]

While in the Senate, McGee consistently advocated for a nuanced understanding of the Soviet Union's motivations, emphasizing the importance of diplomacy and arms control while maintaining a strong national defense. McGee also expressed concerns about Soviet expansionism, particularly in the Indian Ocean, and supported a measured U.S. response to maintain regional balance.^[362][363]

On February 19, 1959, just six weeks after taking office, McGee addressed the Senate. Introduced by Senator John F. Kennedy, he acknowledged the extraordinary responsibilities of new members due to their important committee assignments. He expressed that, given the pressing issues facing the nation, particularly regarding the Soviet Union and fiscal challenges, it was crucial for them to voice their perspectives. McGee advocated for a "war budget" in light of Khrushchev's threats and emphasized the U.S. should mobilize capitalism to address social issues and prove its superiority over Communism.^[364][365]

His speech was well received, marking McGee as a premier orator. Colleagues, including Edmund Muskie and John Kennedy, praised his ability to speak without a manuscript, a skill he would frequently demonstrate throughout his career. McGee's oratory became legendary, with requests for copies of his speeches flooding his office, often resulting in replies noting his preference for speaking without notes. His talent earned him recognition, including a feature in Esquire Magazine, which referred to him as the Senate's most brilliant speaker, drawing parallels between McGee's dramatic style and that of historical figures like Henry Clay.^[366]

McGee re-election campaign received strong support from both President Kennedy and President Johnson.^[367] In September 1963, Kennedy visited Wyoming delivering a speech at the University of Wyoming that encouraged public service and addressed resource use, fiscal policy, and the space race. .^{[368][369][370][371]} Days before Kennedy's assassination, McGee met with him to record campaign materials.^[372][373]

In Wyoming's historically Republican landscape, the 1964 election was notable for Democrats nearly matching Republicans in funding and strategy. McGee, the only Democratic incumbent, was re-elected, and Democrats gained control of the state House and Wyoming's U.S. House seat. Republicans' narrow focus on defeating McGee weakened their broader campaign, while McGee discredited GOP policies, including support for right-to-work laws and Barry Goldwater.^[374] Lyndon Johnson also won Wyoming in 1964, no Democratic Presential nominee was won the state since. Organized labor and Democratic county organizations played crucial roles, with media and minority group participation, including Native Americans, boosting Democratic margins in urban areas.^[374]

In 1970, McGee's reelection was a top Republican target. GOP leaders recruited Congressman John Wold, whom McGee had defeated in 1964.^[375] Despite facing a Democratic primary challenger due to his support for the Vietnam War, McGee secured the nomination by over 24,000 votes.^[375]

Highlighting his Senate seniority and roles on key committees, McGee defended his record of securing over $349 million in federal aid for Wyoming, countering accusations of "big spending."^[375]

President Nixon privately advised Vice President Spiro Agnew to avoid directly criticizing McGee, noting his bipartisan support, including during a major postal strike.^[376][377] Agnew campaigned for Wold without naming McGee. The Denver Post criticized Agnew's approach, noting McGee's 69% alignment with Nixon's policies in 1969, compared to Wold's 49%.^[375]

McGee won reelection with 67,207 votes to Wold's 53,279, gaining ground in traditionally Republican areas, especially Natrona County, and maintaining strong support from organized labor.^[375]

In his 1976 bid for a fourth term, McGee was defeated by Republican challenger Malcolm Wallop, who ran an expensive television advertising campaign attacking McGee for, among other positions, his opposition to state right-to-work laws, and problems with the U.S. Postal Service, based on McGee's chairmanship of the U.S. Senate committee overseeing the Postal Service. The margin of defeat was almost ten percentage points.

PL 86-444 - (S. 2434) An Act to revise the boundaries and change the name of the Fort Laramie National Monument April 29, 1960 ^{[63][64][378]}

PL 86-448 - (S.J. Res. 150) a Joint resolution permitting the Secretary of the Interior to continue to deliver water to lands in the Third Division, Riverton Federal reclamation project. May 6, 1960 ^[379][380]

PL 86-450 - (S. 1751) An Act to place certain lands on the Wind River Indian Reservation in Wyoming in trust status. May 6, 1960^[381]

PL 87-151 - (S. 1085) An Act to provide for the disposal of certain Federal property on the Minidoka project, Idaho; Shoshone project, Wyoming; and Yakima project, Washington. August 17, 1961 ^[382][383]

PL 87-175 - (S. 702) An Act to exchange certain lands in Wyoming with the town of Afton. August 30, 1961^[384][385]

PL 87-422 - (S. 875) An Act to authorize and direct the Secretary of Agriculture to convey to the State of Wyoming for agricultural purposes certain real property in Sweetwater County, WY. March 20, 1962^[20][386]

PL 87-479 - (S.J. Res 151) An Act Authorizing continued delivery of water for the years 1962 and 1963 to land of the third division, Riverton Federal reclamation project, Wyoming June 8, 1962 ^[387][388]

PL 87-516 - (S. 536) An Act to adjust certain irrigation charges against non-Indian-owned lands within the Wind River irrigation project, Wyoming^[389][390]

PL 88-10 - (S. 982) An Act permitting the Secretary of the Interior to continue to deliver water to lands in the third division, Riverton Reclamation Project, Wyoming. April 18, 1963 ^{[391][392][393]}

PL 88-291 - (S. 1299) An Act to defer certain operation and maintenance charges of the Eden Valley Irrigation and Drainage District March 26, 1964 ^[394][395]

PL 88-354 - (S.J. Res 71) a Joint resolution to authorize and direct the conduct by the Federal Trade Commission of a comprehensive investigation of chainstore practices which may be in violation of the antitrust laws. July 2, 1964^{[396][397][398]}

PL 88-494 - (S. 51) An Act to authorize the Secretary of Agriculture to relinquish to the State of Wyoming jurisdiction over those lands within the Medicine Bow National Forest known as the Pole Mountain District. August 26, 1964^[399][400]

PL 88-568 - (S. 770) An Act to provide for the construction, operation and maintenance of the Savery-Pot Hook, Bostwick Park, and Fruitland Mesa participating reclamation projects under the Colorado River Storage Project Act. September 2, 1964 ^{[401][402][403]}

PL 89-760 - (S. 84) An Act to provide for reimbursement to the State of Wyoming for improvements made on certain lands in Sweetwater County, Wyo., if and when such lands revert to the United States. November 5, 1966

PL 89-364 - (S.J. Res. 9) A Joint resolution to cancel any unpaid reimbursable construction costs of the Wind River Indian irrigation project, Wyoming, chargeable against certain non Indian lands. March 8, 1966

PL 89-763 - (S. 476) An Act to amend the act approved March 18, 1950, providing for the construction of airports in or in close proximity to national parks, national monuments, and national recreation areas, and for other purposes. November 5, 1966

PL 89-664 - (S. 491) An Act to provide for the establishment of the Bighorn Canyon National Recreation Area, and for other purposes. October 15, 1966

PL XX-XXX - (S. 554/H.R. 441) An Act authorizing the Administrator of Veterans' Affairs to convey certain property to the city of Cheyenne, Wyo. November 8, 1965

PL 89-387 - (S. 1404) Uniform Time Act of 1966, An Act to make uniform dates for daylight savings time. April 13, 1966

PL 89-70 - (S. 3046/H.R. 13161) Elementary and Secondary Education Act Amendments, To strengthen and improve programs of assistance for our elementary and secondary schools. November 3, 1966

A July 10, 1975 memo from then White House Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld to President Gerald Ford listed McGee as one of many potential candidates to be director of Central Intelligence. Rumsfeld listed "pros and cons" of each candidate (including George Bush, Lee Iacocca, and Byron White and others). The memo thought McGee was a strong defender of the intelligence community, respected within the foreign affairs community, and well-regarded for his independence. On November 4, 1975, William Colby was replaced as CIA Director by George Bush in a major shakeup of President Ford's administration termed the Halloween Massacre.^[404]

After his defeat by Malcolm Wallop, McGee was nominated by President Jimmy Carter as United States ambassador to the Organization of American States.McGee's expertise on Latin America and support for the Panama Canal Treaties made him a strategic choice for the role. After approval by the Senate, he was sworn in on March 30, 1977, at a ceremony in the Roosevelt Room in the White House by Judge John Sirica. His former colleague from the U.S. Senate, Vice President Walter Mondale, was in attendance as were former U.S. secretaries of State Henry Kissinger and William P. Rogers, former United States Ambassador to South Vietnam Ellsworth Bunker, Under Secretary of State Warren Christopher, National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, and senators John Sparkman and William Fulbright.

A central focus of McGee's tenure was the Panama Canal Treaty, which aimed to transfer control of the canal to Panama. McGee played an active role in advocating for the treaty's ratification, engaging in public debates and countering opposition from various groups. He emphasized the importance of cooperation with Panama for the canal's continued operation and security.

Another key issue during McGee's tenure was the U.S.'s financial contribution to the OAS. While there was pressure to reduce the U.S.'s share of the budget, McGee argued for maintaining a higher level of funding, citing its importance for U.S. influence and regional stability.

McGee also navigated the complex issue of human rights in Latin America, particularly given the prevalence of military rule in the region. He sought to encourage dialogue and progress on human rights while balancing the need for diplomatic relations with these countries.

McGee served until 1981, when J. William Middendorf, President Reagan's nominee, was sworn in as the new Ambassador.

In 1981, McGee formed Gale W. McGee Associates, a consulting firm specializing in international and public affairs activities. The firm offered a broad range of political and economic services to both domestic and international companies with a special emphasis on developing new business opportunities with the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean. He was also president of the consulting firm of Moss, McGee, Bradley, Kelly & Foley, which was created with former U.S. Senator Frank Moss.^[405] McGee later served as president of the American League for Exports and Security Assistance, Inc. in 1986. He was a senior consultant at Hill & Knowlton, Inc. from 1987 to 1989.

In 1985, Gale McGee was appointed by Secretary of State George Shultz to the Indochina Refugee Panel to review US policy on Indochinese refugees.^[406] The panel's investigation revealed a significant refugee crisis, with 1.6 million Indochinese refugees already settled in the US and another 180,000 living in camps.^[407] The panel found that the primary cause of the refugee flows was the oppressive policies of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The panel recommended a pathway to citizenship for refugees already in the US, expedited admission for Amerasian children fathered by US servicemen, and action to secure the release of former South Vietnamese officials imprisoned in re-education camps.^[408] McGee worked with Senator Alan Simpson to include some of the panel's key recommendations in a major immigration reform bill.

The Papers of Gale McGee are housed at the University of Wyoming's American Heritage Center. Collection includes digital materials relating to McGee's career as a U.S. senator, his work at the University of Wyoming and the Organization of American States, and his post public service and personal life.^[405]

McGee married Loraine Baker in 1939 and together they had four children. Senator McGee died on April 9, 1992, in Washington, D.C.^[409] He is buried in Oak Hill Cemetery in Washington, D.C.^[410]

In January 2007, the Wyoming congressional delegation introduced federal legislation (H.R. 335, S. 219) to rename the U.S. Post Office in Laramie, Wyoming as the "Gale W. McGee Post Office." The United States House of Representatives passed the legislation by voice vote on January 29, 2007. The United States Senate passed the legislation by Unanimous consent on February 7, 2007. The President signed the bill into law on March 7, 2007.^[411]

In 2018, Potomac Books/Nebraska press published McGee's biography, The Man in the Arena: The Life and Times of U.S. Senator Gale McGee written by Rodger McDaniel. The book won Best Nonfiction Book of the Year from the Wyoming State Historical Society

McGee was portrayed by Harry Groener in the 2023 film Oppenheimer.

• United States Congress. "Gale W. McGee (id: M000445)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
• Gale W. McGee papers at the American Heritage Center

Party political offices
Preceded by Joseph C. O'Mahoney	Democratic nominee for U.S. senator from Wyoming (Class 1) 1958, 1964, 1970, 1976	Succeeded by Rodger McDaniel
U.S. Senate
Preceded by Frank A. Barrett	U.S. senator (Class 1) from Wyoming 1959–1977 Served alongside: Joseph C. O'Mahoney, John J. Hickey, Milward L. Simpson, Clifford P. Hansen	Succeeded by Malcolm Wallop
Diplomatic posts
Preceded by William S. Mailliard	Permanent Representative of the United States to the Organization of American States 1977–1981	Succeeded by J. William Middendorf